Hello, have a nice day. Today I want to talk about The People's Democratic Party (HDP).
Currently there is a Conscience and Justice Watch that is continuing at Yoğurtçu Park in Kadıköy, in İstanbul.
Before it was in Diyarbakır, it is said that it will continue in Van and İzmir.
There are very strict restrictions, which are conducted by the state against the protest of HDP.
There are also very big restrictions to the protests in İstanbul and Diyarakır; not all people who want to participate are allowed to participate, etc.
But we cannot say if it will succeed.
However, we can see that: HDP has been in a stoppage as this protest shows us, it wants to exceed this stoppage.
There is a stoppage and there is an issue in front of us - whether it is temporary or permanent,
how HDP exceeds it or it deepens or not inside of HDP.
But we should say this: There is a very serious embargo about this party.
It is not discussed, given a place in media.
But despite this, we know that this movement is a tradition, and this movement usually has been excluded,
introduced a ban in front of it, suppressed.
However, we talk about a tradition which has carried out its existence by gaining strength despite all restrictions.
Thereby, it is not sufficient to explain the stoppage with only oppressions, preclusions, prohibitions of the state.
Of course, there is a need to consider all of them and the most important primary factor.
Many deputies are in prison. There are many people who lost their deputyships.
The state seized nearly all municipalities of HDP,
administrators were designated. Mayors and co-chairpeople are in prison.
Administrators of provinces and towns are in prison.
Continuously some people are in prison and some people get out of prison and
organisationally HDP and organizations which are close to it like Democratic Regions Party (DBP) cannot see their future exactly.
The Watch we are seeing now, can only be on a very few channels.
Before, there were media organizations which were close to HDP,
they have now disappeared. They were shut down, forbidden, etc. by the state.
However despite all of them, this movement is a very powerful social movement, it is a movement which rises over the support of society.
And throughout history, it is a movement which has witnessed such things.
I do not think that to explain this crisis with these oppressions and preclusions is very realistic.
Well, why is such a thing happening? In my opinion, there are many reasons.
I want to share some things on my mind: Firstly, there is a need to say:
there are huge differences between before the nomination of Selahattin Demirtaş,
during the presidential election, later with the atmosphere which was created by the HDP before the election of June 7th ,
and the process between June 7th and November 1st and HDP after November 1st .
To explain this difference with the tough period which was between June 7th and November 1st is not realistic.
However, we have to accept this period has been a determining factor. Now we look at,
we see that the critical or self-critical approaches to both Selahattin Demirtaş and Sırrı Süreyya Önder and other people with different matters.
Turkey experienced the term we call "Trench Battles".
In this period there were many victimizations in Turkey.
The responsible people of these victimizations are on both sides.
Because operations may be carried out against someone in any moment, anyway.
Someone may be imprisoned, restrictions may be carried out, etc.
as a party which had achieved a great success electorally, as a party which was talked across Turkey and even worldwide.
This is in front of us clearly.
I want to say as a person who said this with different matters in the displays we broadcasted here throughout that time:
HDP did nothing against the strategy which came from Qandil on the subject of "Trench Battles" one way or another.
And timidity and stoppage during this time are one of the most important causes of the present stoppage of HDP in conclusion.
Recently Sırrı Süreyya Önder has said "Öcalan said that "Trench Battles" was wrong."
But time had passed and many prices were paid…
Especially local communities paid this price. Thousands of people became deterritorialised. There were great pains.
There were many people who lost their lives.
And when time elapsed, we heard the conversation that "Öcalan had a critical perspective on this issue." nowadays.
I think deactivation of Öcalan by the state policy has had an effect in the stoppage of HDP.
Öcalan was the figure of who could pave the way of the movement.
But the movement began to falter inside very seriously, because no news came from Öcalan for a long time,
because deputies couldn't visit him and they couldn't convey instructions and ideas from him; so the most important figure of the movement was deactivated.
The deactivation of Öcalan, such a strategy run by the state actually doesn't seem to be benefitial for the state.
And HDP and the movement were and are affected negatively by this.
The other issue is the deactivation and arrest of Selahattin Demirtaş. Selahattin Demirtaş has shown up as avery important figure.
He was the leader figure of the presidential election and the elections of June 7th ,
He could not realize the same thing on November 1st ,
but he was an important figure. He was the most important name of this movement after Öcalan.
and who could build an empathatic relationship even if it was not a sympathetic one.
However, he was deactivated by the will of the state being arrested. And nobody took his place or could not.
That is, there is a binary state.
Firstly, a person who wants to take the place of him could cause a problem inside the party and the movement whist he is in prison.
However, if a person wanted to, there is still no one who can show half of the performance which was conducted by Selahattin Demirtaş before June 7th inside HDP and its surrounding.
There is a problem of leadership and staff.
They are trying to perform a collective leadership. But there are also some problems.
There is a very serious problem of leadership, many names are mentioned at times.
They experienced problems organizationally -I said in the first instance- due to arresting of people, municipalities were taken by the state, etc.
Nevertheless it is important to say again: this movement did not begin with HDP.
It began many years ago, it is a chain. And the oppressions which were experienced by it today are not new.
Therefore, it's disenmantling cannot be explained with oppressions - to some extent.
We discussed Öcalan, Selahattin Demirtaş, the issue of leadership, not objecting to "Trench Battles" in due time.
It was a party which defended itself, struggling against oppressions and it has become the party which cannot determine the agenda. It is completely reactive.
This is a party which confines its energy to come out of oppression with minimum harm.
However, HDP is a party which determined the agenda especially in the period of the election of June 7th ,
even in the period of the presidential election in Turkey, especially Selahattin Demirtaş-
who could take part in some events by media organizations in that time; his speeches were discussed and talked.
And HDP could reach the people who do not support it.
And we saw that this attitude began to break in the social strata who did not consider HDP and its executives as legal especially in the past.
HDP experienced an important transformation before June 7th especially with the leadership of Selahattin Demirtaş.
But events between June 7th and November 1st and later,
there is a reality that HDP could not find an opportunity to determine the agenda
due to the defending itself and constantly struggling against oppression.
But I do not think that it is just that. I think that there are ideological and political confusions
in HDP with the effect of the disconnection with Öcalan by the state especially as I mentioned before.
Of course, the arrests of Selahattin Demirtaş and many important figures who are very active in the party and the movement affect this in the new term.
We can say that HDP is unsuccessful in developing policies, strategies and tactics.
After Selahattin Demirtaş -there was a collective leadership when he was a chairman of the party,
but he had a certain power- we see that there is a subject of collective leadership now more than before,
but there are no effective strategies and tactics.
For instance, The Conscience and Justice Watch only just took place;
it is another subject for discussion whether or not it has been effective or not.
We see that it is far beyond the effect of the Justice March of Republican People's Party (CHP).
The main question is, there are two criterions of the success of HDP:
to what extent does it affect the Kurdish people? Does it hug them and to what extent do they protect it? To what extent can it reach?
How does it gain support from there? The issue of building bridges with them.
Now, when we look at the latest events we see that the party is struggling to keep in touch with its supporters and members of the party as well as taking control of the party overall.
But the striking thing is, of course, the problem of HDP which has existed already, which is to reach the people who do not support it.
We see this problem which seemed to be overcome before June 7th has reappeared very seriously.
I want to give an example regarding the ideological and political issue of the perspective:
The Kurdistan Regional Government made a call for referendum and this will probably happen soon, some names who are known as the spokespeople of HDP has supported it.
Firstly, this is a very familiar thing; I think that this attitude shows ideological
and political confusion when we consider the fact that this movement denies the idea of the nation-state which was developed by Öcalan,
and instead of it, they advocate the demand of democratic autonomy inside the present states,
and the critical position of Öcalan especially against Iraqi Kurds. The interesting side of it,
it is not discussed among the people.
Thereby, the ideological, political orbit of HDP and this movement look like to become clear with directions of Öcalan, more precisely with direct calls of Öcalan to the movement once again.
We can say that now, there is an interregnum.
Of course, the attacks come from Qandil, events like the latest one, the killings of teachers, the killings of the personnel of AKP make things hard for HDP more than ever.
Generally, there are no conflicts between the period of June 7th -November 1st but these attacks that are experienced now and again have stranded HDP.
However, we should not forget this: two important events have created crisis inside HDP;
the first one which I will mention first is "Trench Battles"i the second one is terrorist actions which were undertaken by The Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK),
which were carried out especially in Istanbul and Ankara, targeted civilians.
These attacks have stranded HDP very seriously even if the spokespeople of HDP condemned them.
The effects of condemnation were inequal with the severity of the attacks,
therefore, it was obvious that these were going to have medium and long term effects and we see them now.
I think in this time, the events in Syria are the most important reason of crisis
and the stoppage which is experienced by HDP and The Kurdish movement.
Because there is a very important process in Syria for Kurdish people and Qandil;
there are already cantons which were announced in Syria with the strategic partnership with the US,
and there is the possibility of its transformation into a federation in the agenda.
The Kurds are constituting for the most important power of the operation against the IS in Raqqa and as a result of this, they expect to get something in return.
We know that they are already having arms aid and thereupon, when it is said Kurdish issue-better to say Kurds- it is Syria,
YPG, and PPYD that comes to mind in the region and even in the world. Actually,
there is a structure known as The Syrian Democratic Forces, but mainly there are YPG and PYD and energies are directed there.
Actually, it was the same in the time of "Trench Battles", in that time,
there were some conflicts inside the country;
YPG and PYD took a step in Syria very seriously.
The effects of investments in that time are very important at this point.
Hence, Turkey can be sacrificed especially by Qandil in a certain sense for developments in Syria, acquisitions in Syria.
Of course, it is not completely a sacrifice nor victimization; for there is such a powerful movement in Turkey.
But at this stage, they had put Turkey into the background because Syria has priority
and now the Kurdish movement in Turkey pays some price for the futures of the Kurdish movement in Syria, YPG, and PYD.
The reason for its being interested, we can say basically:
Kurds live in four regions, in four countries under the roof of the nation-state, and Turkey is the first one in terms of numeral and development, numerically the last one is Syria.
But Syria is the center of the Kurdish issue in terms of the region, and for the future of Kurdish groups in Syria,
to empower them, other Kurds, especially in Turkey, have paid a price, we encounter a situation.
Then, what will happen?
will it be figured out when some issues in Syria become clear?
It could happen but the clearance of things will take time in Syria, thereupon, it shows that the crisis in Turkey will last more as well.
It is better to remember that it is not only Qandil but also Ankara that takes Syria as the centre in developing political strategies.
Indeed, the priority of Ankara is to restrain the structuring of YPG and PYD
and their struggles to extend their zone of influence though it seems as if it were spending its energy to both legal and illegal institutions of Kurdish movement.
It is better to keep in mind that we see that every single conflict
that couldn't come true in Syria has been happening in Turkey for a long time and it is HDP
that is paying the price for it in first degree and there is nothing much that HDP can do for this situation.
There was those things they had done regarding the Kobani issue and things done as support to Kobani which Selahattin Demirtaş and HDP are faced with most,
which is not surprising because in the breaking of IS siege, the hustle and bustle in Turkey was effective and this opened up the front of YPG-PYD movement in Syria acutely.
The Kobani siege was a very crucial point and after having got over this,
the movement of YPG-PYD opened up the front acutely and the hustle and bustle in Turkey contributed to it in somehow,
even though it was not determining.
Later on, with the US involvement, Turkey had to allow to the pass of Peshmargas and Iraqi Kurdish people to Kobani.
There is no need to talk about these issues again.
Now, I said the stoppage of HDP as the title, I see that some people on social media get disturbed even by this title –
though the term stoppage is a mild term, it ought to be called a crisis- but HDP is really having trouble now, they are doing their best in order to overcome this trouble.
However, the reason for this trouble is not HDP, indeed.
Therefore, it is not HDP actors who can figure out or overcome this trouble, they are in a game which they are not protagonists
and they are struggling for changing the course of events for the good of HDP.
Nonetheless, they can neither be effective nor successful very much. This is what I see.
Yes, there is all I can say. Have a good day!
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