How US Flooded the World with Psyops
Special Report: The mainstream U.S. media obsesses over Russian �propaganda� yet
the U.S. government created a �psyops� bureaucracy three decades ago to flood the
world with dubious information, reports Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
Newly declassified documents from the Reagan presidential library help explain how the
U.S. government developed its sophisticated psychological operations capabilities that
� over the past three decades � have created an alternative reality both for people in
targeted countries and for American citizens, a structure that expanded U.S. influence abroad
and quieted dissent at home.
The documents reveal the formation of a psyops bureaucracy under the direction of Walter
Raymond Jr., a senior CIA covert operations specialist who was assigned to President Reagan�s
National Security Council staff to enhance the importance of propaganda and psyops in
undermining U.S. adversaries around the world and ensuring sufficient public support for
foreign policies inside the United States.
Raymond, who has been compared to a character from a John LeCarr� novel slipping easily
into the woodwork, spent his years inside Reagan�s White House as a shadowy puppet
master who tried his best to avoid public attention or � it seems � even having
his picture taken. From the tens of thousands of photographs from meetings at Reagan�s
White House, I found only a couple showing Raymond � and he is seated in groups, partially
concealed by other officials.
But Raymond appears to have grasped his true importance. In his NSC files, I found a doodle
of an organizational chart that had Raymond at the top holding what looks like the crossed
handles used by puppeteers to control the puppets below them. Although it�s impossible
to know exactly what the doodler had in mind, the drawing fits the reality of Raymond as
the behind-the-curtains operative who was controlling the various inter-agency task
forces that were responsible for implementing various propaganda and psyops strategies.
Until the 1980s, psyops were normally regarded as a military technique for undermining the
will of an enemy force by spreading lies, confusion and terror. A classic case was Gen.
Edward Lansdale � considered the father of modern psyops � draining the blood from
a dead Filipino rebel in such a way so the dead rebel�s superstitious comrades would
think that a vampire-like creature was on the prowl. In Vietnam, Lansdale�s psyops
team supplied fake and dire astrological predictions for the fate of North Vietnamese and Vietcong
leaders.
Essentially, the psyops idea was to play on the cultural weaknesses of a target population
so they could be more easily manipulated and controlled. But the challenges facing the
Reagan administration in the 1980s led to its determination that peacetime psyops were
also needed and that the target populations had to include the American public.
The Reagan administration was obsessed with the problems left behind by the 1970s� disclosures
of government lying about the Vietnam War and revelations about CIA abuses both in overthrowing
democratically elected governments and spying on American dissidents. This so-called �Vietnam
Syndrome� produced profound skepticism from regular American citizens as well as journalists
and politicians when President Reagan tried to sell his plans for intervention in the
civil wars then underway in Central America, Africa and elsewhere.
While Reagan saw Central America as a �Soviet beachhead,� many Americans saw brutal Central
American oligarchs and their bloody security forces slaughtering priests, nuns, labor activists,
students, peasants and indigenous populations. Reagan and his advisers realized that they
had to turn those perceptions around if they hoped to get sustained funding for the militaries
of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras as well as for the Nicaraguan Contra rebels,
the CIA-organized paramilitary force marauding around leftist-ruled Nicaragua.
So, it became a high priority to reshape public perceptions to gain support for Reagan�s
Central American military operations both inside those targeted countries and among
Americans.
A �Psyops Totality�
As Col. Alfred R. Paddock Jr. wrote in an influential November 1983 paper, entitled
�Military Psychological Operations and US Strategy,� �the planned use of communications
to influence attitudes or behavior should, if properly used, precede, accompany, and
follow all applications of force. Put another way, psychological operations is the one weapons
system which has an important role to play in peacetime, throughout the spectrum of conflict,
and during the aftermath of conflict.�
Paddock continued, �Military psychological operations are an important part of the �PSYOP
Totality,� both in peace and war. � We need a program of psychological operations
as an integral part of our national security policies and programs. � The continuity
of a standing interagency board or committee to provide the necessary coordinating mechanism
for development of a coherent, worldwide psychological operations strategy is badly needed.�
Some of Raymond�s recently available handwritten notes show a focus on El Salvador with the
implementation of �Nation wide multi-media psyops� spread through rallies and electronic
media. �Radio + TV also carried Psyops messages,� Raymond wrote. (Emphasis in original.) Though
Raymond�s crimped handwriting is often hard to decipher, the notes make clear that psyops
programs also were directed at Honduras, Guatemala and Peru.
One declassified �top secret� document in Raymond�s file � dated Feb. 4, 1985,
from Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger � urged the fuller implementation of President
Reagan�s National Security Decision Directive 130, which was signed on March 6, 1984, and
which authorized peacetime psyops by expanding psyops beyond its traditional boundaries of
active military operations into peacetime situations in which the U.S. government could
claim some threat to national interests.
�This approval can provide the impetus to the rebuilding of a necessary strategic capability,
focus attention on psychological operations as a national � not solely military � instrument,
and ensure that psychological operations are fully coordinated with public diplomacy and
other international information activities,� Weinberger�s document said.
This broader commitment to psyops led to the creation of a Psychological Operations Committee
(POC) that was to be chaired by a representative of Reagan�s National Security Council with
a vice chairman from the Pentagon and with representatives from the Central Intelligence
Agency, the State Department and the U.S. Information Agency.
�This group will be responsible for planning, coordinating and implementing psychological
operations activities in support of United States policies and interests relative to
national security,� according to a �secret� addendum to a memo, dated March 25, 1986,
from Col. Paddock, the psyops advocate who had become the U.S. Army�s Director for
Psychological Operations.
�The committee will provide the focal point for interagency coordination of detailed contingency
planning for the management of national information assets during war, and for the transition
from peace to war,� the addendum added. �The POC shall seek to ensure that in wartime
or during crises (which may be defined as periods of acute tension involving a threat
to the lives of American citizens or the imminence of war between the U.S. and other nations),
U.S. international information elements are ready to initiate special procedures to ensure
policy consistency, timely response and rapid feedback from the intended audience.�
Taking Shape
The Psychological Operations Committee took formal shape with a �secret� memo from
Reagan�s National Security Advisor John Poindexter on July 31, 1986. Its first meeting
was called on Sept. 2, 1986, with an agenda that focused on Central America and �How
can other POC agencies support and complement DOD programs in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras,
Costa Rica and Panama.� The POC was also tasked with �Developing National PSYOPS
Guidelines� for �formulating and implementing a national PSYOPS program.� (Underlining
in original)
Raymond was named a co-chair of the POC along with CIA officer Vincent Cannistraro, who
was then Deputy Director for Intelligence Programs on the NSC staff, according to a
�secret� memo from Deputy Under Secretary of Defense Craig Alderman Jr. The memo also
noted that future POC meetings would be briefed on psyops projects for the Philippines and
Nicaragua, with the latter project codenamed �Niagara Falls.� The memo also references
a �Project Touchstone,� but it is unclear where that psyops program was targeted.
Another �secret� memo dated Oct. 1, 1986, co-authored by Raymond, reported on the POC�s
first meeting on Sept. 10, 1986, and noted that �The POC will, at each meeting, focus
on an area of operations (e.g., Central America, Afghanistan, Philippines).�
The POC�s second meeting on Oct. 24, 1986, concentrated on the Philippines, according
to a Nov. 4, 1986 memo also co-authored by Raymond. �The next step will be a tightly
drafted outline for a PSYOPS Plan which we will send to that Embassy for its comment,�
the memo said. The plan �largely focused on a range of civic actions supportive of
the overall effort to overcome the insurgency,� an addendum noted. �There is considerable
concern about the sensitivities of any type of a PSYOPS program given the political situation
in the Philippines today.�
Earlier in 1986, the Philippines had undergone the so-called �People Power Revolution,�
which drove longtime dictator Ferdinand Marcos into exile, and the Reagan administration,
which belatedly pulled its support from Marcos, was trying to stabilize the political situation
to prevent more populist elements from gaining the upper hand.
But the Reagan administration�s primary attention continued to go back to Central
America, including �Project Niagara Falls,� the psyops program aimed at Nicaragua. A �secret�
Pentagon memo from Deputy Under Secretary Alderman on Nov. 20, 1986, outlined the work
of the 4th Psychological Operations Group on this psyops plan �to help bring about
democratization of Nicaragua,� by which the Reagan administration meant a �regime
change.� The precise details of �Project Niagara Falls� were not disclosed in the
declassified documents but the choice of codename suggested a cascade of psyops.
Other documents from Raymond�s NSC file shed light on who other key operatives in
the psyops and propaganda programs were. For instance, in undated notes on efforts to influence
the Socialist International, including securing support for U.S. foreign policies from Socialist
and Social Democratic parties in Europe, Raymond cited the efforts of �Ledeen, Gershman,�
a reference to neoconservative operative Michael Ledeen and Carl Gershman, another neocon who
has served as president of the U.S.-government-funded National Endowment for Democracy (NED), from
1983 to the present. (Underlining in original.)
Although NED is technically independent of the U.S. government, it receives the bulk
of its funding (now about $100 million a year) from Congress. Documents from the Reagan archives
also make clear that NED was organized as a way to replace some of the CIA�s political
and propaganda covert operations, which had fallen into disrepute in the 1970s. Earlier
released documents from Raymond�s file show CIA Director William Casey pushing for NED�s
creation and Raymond, Casey�s handpicked man on the NSC, giving frequent advice and
direction to Gershman. [See Consortiumnews.com�s �CIA�s Hidden Hand in �Democracy�
Groups.�]
Another figure in Raymond�s constellation of propaganda assets was media mogul Rupert
Murdoch, who was viewed as both a key political ally of President Reagan and a valuable source
of funding for private groups that were coordinating with White House propaganda operations. [See
Consortiumnews.com�s �Rupert Murdoch: Propaganda Recruit.�]
In a Nov. 1, 1985 letter to Raymond, Charles R. Tanguy of the �Committees for a Community
of Democracies � USA� asked Raymond to intervene in efforts to secure Murdoch�s
funding for the group. �We would be grateful � if you could find the time to telephone
Mr. Murdoch and encourage him to give us a positive response,� the letter said.
Another document, entitled �Project Truth Enhancement,� described how $24 million
would be spent on upgrading the telecommunications infrastructure to arm �Project Truth, with
the technical capability to provide the most efficient and productive media support for
major USG policy initiatives like Political Democracy.� Project Truth was the overarching
name of the Reagan administration�s propaganda operation. For the outside world, the program
was billed as �public diplomacy,� but administration insiders privately called it
�perception management.� [See Consortiumnews.com�s �The Victory of Perception Management.�]
The Early Years
The original priority of �Project Truth� was to clean up the images of the Guatemalan
and Salvadoran security forces and the Nicaraguan Contras, who were led by ousted dictator Anastasio
Somoza�s ex-National Guard officers. To ensure steady military funding for these notorious
forces, Reagan�s team knew it had to defuse the negative publicity and somehow rally the
American people�s support.
At first, the effort focused on weeding out American reporters who uncovered facts that
undercut the desired public images. As part of that effort, the administration denounced
New York Times correspondent Raymond Bonner for disclosing the Salvadoran regime�s massacre
of about 800 men, women and children in the village of El Mozote in northeast El Salvador
in December 1981. Accuracy in Media and conservative news organizations, such as The Wall Street
Journal�s editorial page, joined in pummeling Bonner, who was soon ousted from his job.
But such efforts were largely ad hoc and disorganized.
CIA Director Casey, from his years crisscrossing the interlocking worlds of business and intelligence,
had important contacts for creating a more systematic propaganda network. He recognized
the value of using established groups known for advocating �human rights,� such as
Freedom House.
One document from the Reagan library showed senior Freedom House official Leo Cherne running
a draft manuscript on political conditions in El Salvador past Casey and promising that
Freedom House would make requested editorial �corrections and changes� � and even
send over the editor for consultation with whomever Casey assigned to review the paper.
In a �Dear Bill� letter dated June 24, 1981, Cherne, who was chairman of the Freedom
House�s executive committee, wrote: �I am enclosing a copy of the draft manuscript
by Bruce McColm, Freedom House�s resident specialist on Central America and the Caribbean.
This manuscript on El Salvador was the one I had urged be prepared and in the haste to
do so as rapidly as possible, it is quite rough. You had mentioned that the facts could
be checked for meticulous accuracy within the government and this would be very helpful.
�
�If there are any questions about the McColm manuscript, I suggest that whomever is working
on it contact Richard Salzmann at the Research Institute [an organization where Cherne was
executive director]. He is Editor-in-Chief at the Institute and the Chairman of the Freedom
House�s Salvador Committee. He will make sure that the corrections and changes get
to Rita Freedman who will also be working with him. If there is any benefit to be gained
from Salzmann�s coming down at any point to talk to that person, he is available to
do so.�
By 1982, Casey also was lining up some powerful right-wing ideologues to help fund the �perception
management� project both with money and their own media outlets. Richard Mellon Scaife
was the scion of the Mellon banking, oil and aluminum fortune who financed a variety of
right-wing family foundations � such as Sarah Scaife and Carthage � that were financial
benefactors to right-wing journalists and think tanks. Scaife also published the Tribune
Review in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.
A more comprehensive �public diplomacy� operation began to take shape in 1982 when
Raymond, a 30-year veteran of CIA clandestine services, was transferred to the NSC. Raymond
became the sparkplug for this high-powered propaganda network, according to an unpublished
draft chapter of the congressional Iran-Contra investigation that was suppressed as part
of the deal to get three moderate Republican senators to sign on to the final report and
give the inquiry a patina of bipartisanship.
Though the draft chapter didn�t use Raymond�s name in its opening pages, apparently because
some of the information came from classified depositions, Raymond�s name was used later
in the chapter and the earlier citations matched Raymond�s known role. According to the draft
report, the CIA officer who was recruited for the NSC job had served as Director of
the Covert Action Staff at the CIA from 1978 to 1982 and was a �specialist in propaganda
and disinformation.�
�The CIA official [Raymond] discussed the transfer with [CIA Director] Casey and NSC
Advisor William Clark that he be assigned to the NSC as [Donald] Gregg�s successor
[as coordinator of intelligence operations in June 1982] and received approval for his
involvement in setting up the public diplomacy program along with his intelligence responsibilities,�
the chapter said. Gregg was another senior CIA official who was assigned to the NSC before
becoming Vice President George H.W. Bush�s national security adviser.
�In the early part of 1983, documents obtained by the Select [Iran-Contra] Committees indicate
that the Director of the Intelligence Staff of the NSC [Raymond] successfully recommended
the establishment of an inter-governmental network to promote and manage a public diplomacy
plan designed to create support for Reagan Administration policies at home and abroad.�
War of Ideas
During his Iran-Contra deposition, Raymond explained the need for this propaganda structure,
saying: �We were not configured effectively to deal with the war of ideas.�
One reason for this shortcoming was that federal law forbade taxpayers� money from being
spent on domestic propaganda or grassroots lobbying to pressure congressional representatives.
Of course, every president and his team had vast resources to make their case in public,
but by tradition and law, they were restricted to speeches, testimony and one-on-one persuasion
of lawmakers. But President Reagan saw the American public�s �Vietnam Syndrome�
as an obstacle to his more aggressive policies.
Along with Raymond�s government-based organization, there were outside groups eager to cooperate
and cash in. Back at Freedom House, Cherne and his associates were angling for financial
support.
In an Aug. 9, 1982 letter to Raymond, Freedom House executive director Leonard R. Sussman
wrote that �Leo Cherne has asked me to send these copies of Freedom Appeals. He has probably
told you we have had to cut back this project to meet financial realities. � We would,
of course, want to expand the project once again when, as and if the funds become available.
Offshoots of that project appear in newspapers, magazines, books and on broadcast services
here and abroad. It�s a significant, unique channel of communication� � precisely
the focus of Raymond�s work.
On Nov. 4, 1982, Raymond, after his transfer from the CIA to the NSC staff but while still
a CIA officer, wrote to NSC Advisor Clark about the �Democracy Initiative and Information
Programs,� stating that �Bill Casey asked me to pass on the following thought concerning
your meeting with [right-wing billionaire] Dick Scaife, Dave Abshire [then a member of
the President�s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board], and Co. Casey had lunch with them
today and discussed the need to get moving in the general area of supporting our friends
around the world.
�By this definition he is including both �building democracy� � and helping invigorate
international media programs. The DCI [Casey] is also concerned about strengthening public
information organizations in the United States such as Freedom House. � A critical piece
of the puzzle is a serious effort to raise private funds to generate momentum. Casey�s
talk with Scaife and Co. suggests they would be very willing to cooperate. � Suggest
that you note White House interest in private support for the Democracy initiative.�
The importance of the CIA and White House secretly arranging private funds was that
these supposedly independent voices would then reinforce and validate the administration�s
foreign policy arguments with a public that would assume the endorsements were based on
the merits of the White House positions, not influenced by money changing hands. Like snake-oil
salesmen who plant a few cohorts in the crowd to whip up excitement for the cure-all elixir,
Reagan administration propagandists salted some well-paid �private� individuals around
Washington to echo White House propaganda �themes.�
The role of the CIA in these initiatives was concealed but never far from the surface.
A Dec. 2, 1982 note addressed to �Bud,� a reference to senior NSC official Robert
�Bud� McFarlane, described a request from Raymond for a brief meeting. �When he [Raymond]
returned from Langley [CIA headquarters], he had a proposed draft letter � re $100
M democ[racy] proj[ect],� the note said.
While Casey pulled the strings on this project, the CIA director instructed White House officials
to hide the CIA�s hand. �Obviously we here [at CIA] should not get out front in
the development of such an organization, nor should we appear to be a sponsor or advocate,�
Casey said in one undated letter to then-White House counselor Edwin Meese III as Casey urged
creation of a �National Endowment.�
But the formation of the National Endowment for Democracy, with its hundreds of millions
of dollars in U.S. government money, was still months down the road. In the meantime, the
Reagan administration would have to line up private donors to advance the propaganda cause.
�We will develop a scenario for obtaining private funding,� NSC Advisor Clark wrote
to Reagan in a Jan. 13, 1983 memo, adding that U.S. Information Agency Director �Charlie
Wick has offered to take the lead. We may have to call on you to meet with a group of
potential donors.�
Despite Casey�s and Raymond�s success in bringing onboard wealthy conservatives
to provide private funding for the propaganda operations, Raymond worried about whether
a scandal could erupt over the CIA�s involvement. Raymond formally resigned from the CIA in
April 1983, so, he said, �there would be no question whatsoever of any contamination
of this.� But Raymond continued to act toward the U.S. public much like a CIA officer would
in directing a propaganda operation in a hostile foreign country.
Raymond fretted, too, about the legality of Casey�s ongoing role. Raymond confided in
one memo that it was important �to get [Casey] out of the loop,� but Casey never backed
off and Raymond continued to send progress reports to his old boss well into 1986.
It was �the kind of thing which [Casey] had a broad catholic interest in,� Raymond
shrugged during his Iran-Contra deposition. He then offered the excuse that Casey undertook
this apparently illegal interference in domestic politics �not so much in his CIA hat, but
in his adviser to the president hat.�
Peacetime Propaganda
Meanwhile, Reagan began laying out the formal authority for this unprecedented peacetime
propaganda bureaucracy. On Jan. 14, 1983, Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive
77, entitled �Management of Public Diplomacy Relative to National Security.� In NSDD-77,
Reagan deemed it �necessary to strengthen the organization, planning and coordination
of the various aspects of public diplomacy of the United States Government.�
Reagan ordered the creation of a special planning group within the National Security Council
to direct these �public diplomacy� campaigns. The planning group would be headed by Walter
Raymond and one of its principal outposts would be a new Office of Public Diplomacy
for Latin America, housed at the State Department but under the control of the NSC. (One of
the directors of the Latin American public diplomacy office was neoconservative Robert
Kagan, who would later co-found the Project for the New American Century in 1998 and become
a chief promoter of President George W. Bush�s 2003 invasion of Iraq.)
On May 20, 1983, Raymond recounted in a memo that $400,000 had been raised from private
donors brought to the White House Situation Room by U.S. Information Agency Director Charles
Wick. According to that memo, the money was divided among several organizations, including
Freedom House and Accuracy in Media, a right-wing media attack organization.
When I wrote about that memo in my 1992 book, Fooling America, Freedom House denied receiving
any White House money or collaborating with any CIA/NSC propaganda campaign. In a letter,
Freedom House�s Sussman called Raymond �a second-hand source� and insisted that �this
organization did not need any special funding to take positions � on any foreign-policy
issues.�
But it made little sense that Raymond would have lied to a superior in an internal memo.
And clearly, Freedom House remained central to the Reagan administration�s schemes for
aiding groups supportive of its Central American policies, particularly the CIA-organized Contra
war against the leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Plus, White House documents
released later revealed that Freedom House kept its hand out for funding.
On Sept. 15, 1984, Bruce McColm � writing from Freedom House�s Center for Caribbean
and Central American Studies � sent Raymond �a short proposal for the Center�s Nicaragua
project 1984-85. The project combines elements of the oral history proposal with the publication
of The Nicaraguan Papers,� a book that would disparage Sandinista ideology and practices.
�Maintaining the oral history part of the project adds to the overall costs; but preliminary
discussions with film makers have given me the idea that an Improper Conduct-type of
documentary could be made based on these materials,� McColm wrote, referring to a 1984 film that
offered a scathing critique of Fidel Castro�s Cuba. �Such a film would have to be the
work of a respected Latin American filmmaker or a European. American-made films on Central
America are simply too abrasive ideologically and artistically poor.�
McColm�s three-page letter reads much like a book or movie pitch, trying to interest
Raymond in financing the project: �The Nicaraguan Papers will also be readily accessible to
the general reader, the journalist, opinion-maker, the academic and the like. The book would
be distributed fairly broadly to these sectors and I am sure will be extremely useful. They
already constitute a form of Freedom House samizdat, since I�ve been distributing them
to journalists for the past two years as I�ve received them from disaffected Nicaraguans.�
McColm proposed a face-to-face meeting with Raymond in Washington and attached a six-page
grant proposal seeking $134,100. According to the grant proposal, the project would include
�free distribution to members of Congress and key public officials; distribution of
galleys in advance of publication for maximum publicity and timely reviews in newspapers
and current affairs magazines; press conferences at Freedom House in New York and at the National
Press Club in Washington, D.C.; op-ed circulation to more than 100 newspapers �; distribution
of a Spanish-language edition through Hispanic organizations in the United States and in
Latin America; arrangement of European distribution through Freedom House contacts.�
The documents that I found at the Reagan library did not indicate what subsequently happened
to this specific proposal. McColm did not respond to an email request for comment about
the Nicaraguan Papers plan or the earlier letter from Cherne (who died in 1999) to Casey
about editing McComb�s manuscript. Freedom House did emerge as a leading critic of Nicaragua�s
Sandinista government and also became a major recipient of money from the U.S.-funded National
Endowment for Democracy, which was founded in 1983 under the umbrella of the Casey-Raymond
project.
The more recently released documents � declassified between 2013 and 2017 � show how these earlier
Casey-Raymond efforts merged with the creation of a formal psyop bureaucracy in 1986 also
under the control of Raymond�s NSC operation. The combination of the propaganda and psyop
programs underscored the powerful capability that the U.S. government developed more than
three decades ago for planting slanted, distorted or fake news. (Casey died in 1987; Raymond
died in 2003.)
Over those several decades, even as the White House changed hands from Republicans to Democrats
to Republicans to Democrats, the momentum created by William Casey and Walter Raymond
continued to push these �perception management/psyops� strategies forward. In more recent years,
the wording has changed, giving way to more pleasing euphemisms, like �smart power�
and �strategic communications.� But the idea is still
the same: how you can use propaganda to sell U.S. government policies abroad and at home.
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