JOHN YANG: Good evening.
I'm John Yang.
Judy Woodruff is away.
On the "NewsHour" tonight: A former top Vatican diplomat accuses Pope Francis of covering
up sex abuse allegations and calls on him to resign.
Why the pope's defenders say the claim is all politics.
Then: One year after hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled their homes in Myanmar, the
U.N. calls for top military commanders there to be tried for genocide.
And the legacy of John McCain.
He served in the U.S. Senate for more than three decades and earned a rare reputation
for his straight talk and reaching across the aisle.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN (R), Arizona: Whatever our differences, we are fellow Americans.
And please believe me when I say no association has ever meant more to me than that.
JOHN YANG: All that and more on tonight's "PBS NewsHour."
(BREAK)
JOHN YANG: The United States and Mexico have reached tentative agreement on a trade deal
that could replace NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement.
It says at least 75 percent of the content of autos sold in the trade bloc must be made
in North America, 40 percent must be made by workers earning at least $16 an hour.
President Trump called Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto today to congratulate him and talk
up the new deal with a new name.
DONALD TRUMP, President of the United States: They used to call it NAFTA.
We're going to call it the United States Mexico trade agreement.
We will get rid of the name NAFTA.
It has a bad connotation because the United States was hurt very badly by NAFTA for many
years.
And now it's a really good deal for both countries.
JOHN YANG: Now the administration has to negotiate with Canada.
Mr. Trump pledged to negotiate fairly if Canada does too.
The Canadian Foreign Ministry said it's encouraged by the progress so far.
JOHN YANG: Tributes flowed in the United States Senate today for John McCain.
The Arizona Republican died Saturday after a yearlong battle with brain cancer.
The Senate reconvened with colleagues offering praise, starting with Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell and Minority Leader Senate -- Senator Chuck Schumer.
SEN.
CHUCK SCHUMER (D-NY), Minority Leader: He was unafraid to take on presidents.
He was unafraid to take on his own party.
He was equally parts funny and furious, foulmouthed and statesmanlike.
He could put the temper in temperament.
He was a brave and honest man.
He was a patriot.
SEN.
MITCH MCCONNELL (R-KY), Majority Leader: He would fight like mad to bring the country
closer to his vision of the common good.
But when the day's disputes were over, that very same man was one of our most powerful
reminders that so much more unites us than divides us.
JOHN YANG: Senator McCain will lie in state at the old Arizona Capitol Building on Wednesday,
which would have been his 82nd birthday.
There will be a memorial service in Phoenix on Thursday.
He will then lie in state at the U.S. Capitol on Friday.
A funeral service is set for Saturday at the Washington National Cathedral, and a private
burial will take place Sunday at his alma mater, the U.S. Naval Academy at Annapolis,
Maryland.
President Trump raised eyebrows over his response to the death of Senator McCain.
The two men had been at odds for a long time.
This morning, the American flag over the White House returned to full-staff after just one
day, while those at the Washington Monument and elsewhere remained at half-staff.
After widespread criticism, the White House flags were lowered back to half-staff this
afternoon.
In a statement Mr. Trump said that, despite their differences, he respected McCain 's
service.
He said the flags will remain at half-staff until the burial.
Iran has formally asked the International Court of Justice to suspend U.S. economic
sanctions that were reimposed after President Trump pulled out of the 2015 Iran nuclear
deal.
At a hearing today, Iran argued the sanctions violate a 1955 treaty that regulates the country's
economic ties.
The U.S. says the world court has no jurisdiction over the dispute.
Back in this country, investigators in Jacksonville, Florida, are searching for a motive after
a gunman killed two people and then himself at a video game tournament on Sunday.
Ten others were wounded pull.
Police say the suspected shooter, David Katz of Baltimore, was a competitor at the games.
The event was under way at a shopping mall when the shooting started.
Police said today that Katz went to after other players with a handgun.
MIKE WILLIAMS, Jacksonville Sheriff: The suspect clearly targeted other gamers.
They were in the back room of Chicago Pizza participating in this gaming tournament.
The suspect lost -- walked -- excuse me -- past patrons who were in other parts of the business
and focused his attention on the gamers.
JOHN YANG: Katz was 24.
The Associated Press reports that court records show he'd been hospitalized twice for mental
illness as a teenager.
A federal judge in Seattle today blocked the Trump administration from letting a Texas
company post online its plans for printing plastic guns.
Nineteen states and the District of Columbia had sued the block the blueprints for untraceable
weapons.
The judge's restraining order will remain in place until the case is resolved.
And Wall Street got a boost from the tentative trade deal between the United States and Mexico.
The Dow Jones industrial average gained 259 points.
That's a 1 percent gain to close it 26049.
The Nasdaq rose 72 points and the S&P 500 added 22.
Still to come on the "NewsHour": Pope Francis under fire amid a claim that he knew about
sex abuse allegations against a prominent cardinal; a call to prosecute war crimes against
the Rohingya; remembering an American heroes, Senator John McCain; and much more.
Pope Francis was in Ireland this weekend.
And as a part of his visit, he met with survivors of that country's sex -- church sex abuse
scandal.
It's part of his effort to show that the church takes the matter seriously.
But, as William Brangham, Francis is now facing an accusation that he himself turned a blind
eye to a case of misconduct involving a prominent cardinal.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: The accusation comes from Carlo Maria Vigano, the former senior Vatican
diplomat to the U.S.
In an 11-page letter released this weekend, Vigano claims Pope Francis knew several years
ago, and ignored allegations against the former Washington, D.C., archbishop, Cardinal Theodore
McCarrick.
McCarrick was accused of sexually harassing and abusing young adult seminarians, as well
as sexually abusing two boys decades ago.
McCarrick resigned last month.
In his letter, which offered no evidence for the accusation about the pontiff, Vigano urged
Pope Francis to step down.
Yesterday, in response, Francis told reporters to read the document carefully and judge it
for themselves.
Joining me now is Dennis Coday, an editor for The National Catholic Reporter.
Dennis, thank you for being here.
I wonder if we could just start with, this is a very serious allegation made by the former
ambassador from the Vatican.
How seriously should we take this?
DENNIS CODAY, The National Catholic Reporter: Well, I think the pope is correct on this,
on the point that he made on the plane yesterday, is that we need to look at this very closely,
but we also need to scrutinize it.
Like any good source, when you're -- a journalist is going to look at who the source is, where
this information is coming from, and what other motives might be involved in someone
coming forward with these kind of allegations.
And so that's -- I'm not sure all that due diligence was done before this statement was
released.
But that is what we are in the process of doing ourselves right now.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Before we get to those questions about the source, can you just tell us a little
bit more about what Vigano alleges that Pope Francis did or didn't do?
DENNIS CODAY: I guess the main claim is that, in 2013, shortly after Francis was pope, that
he relayed to Francis, reported to Francis allegations of sexual abuse and assault by
then Cardinal McCarrick.
And he also so said that, previously, Pope Benedict had imposed some kind of sanctions,
some restricted ministry on McCarrick, and that those were never enforced.
And he also says that Francis didn't enforce them and didn't act upon those charges.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: And as you -- as you touched upon, Pope Francis' response seems to be,
why don't you look at the substance of these allegations?
He clearly believes that, under scrutiny, they will fall apart.
Can you tell us a little bit more about Vigano, the accuser here?
DENNIS CODAY: Yes, he was ambassador to the United States from the Vatican from about
2011 until 2016.
He -- before that, he was a member of the Curia, the Roman Vatican bureaucracy.
And coming to the United States wasn't his first choice.
He really didn't want to do that.
But he had troubles in the Curia before that.
He was criticized for being a stern manager.
He was also involved in the uncovering of some financial scandals there in the Vatican.
And so he was -- we have reported in the past it was kind of a case of him being kicked
upstairs into this ambassadorship to the United States.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: Isn't Vigano got himself accused of having several years ago overlooked
some other allegations about another cardinal?
DENNIS CODAY: Not a cardinal, but an archbishop, Nienstedt from St. Paul, Minneapolis.
There were charges against him that he was engaged in inappropriate relationship with
men.
There was some allegations there.
There was also charges of mishandling of sex abuse cases of other priests under his charge.
He eventually resigned.
But there was also an investigation that was done by an outside investigator in Minneapolis-St.Paul.
All of that was delivered to Vigano in his office as ambassador.
And he had suggested at one point that an auxiliary bishop who was leading the investigation
destroy some of those documents.
That didn't happen.
But that report has never surfaced against Archbishop Nienstedt.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: My understanding is that, within the political spectrum of the Vatican,
Vigano is considered quite a conservative, and the allegations, he's making against Pope
Francis, who many consider to be more on the liberal side.
Do you see this as more of a demonstration of the schism within the Catholic Church right
now?
DENNIS CODAY: Schism is a technical word.
I don't want to use that word.
I would say that there is definite infighting going on, and there's a power struggle going
on.
Francis has met a lot of resistance since his election because of his reform agenda
and what he represents from some of the hard-liners that don't want to see reform come, especially
the Vatican bureaucracy.
Vigano has been associated with some of those groups.
I know recently he was -- a year ago, Francis released an apostolic exhortation about family
life that seemed to indicate a softer line towards divorce and remarried Catholics.
And Vigano has been opposed to that.
He joined groups that have been opposed to that kind of teaching.
He's also made appearances in recent months with groups that are very hard-line against
any kind of abortion legislation or same-sex marriage legislation, those kind of things.
Those are always cultural issues of discussion in the Catholic Church.
WILLIAM BRANGHAM: All right.
Dennis Coday of The National Catholic Reporter, thank you very much.
DENNIS CODAY: Glad to do it.
Thank you.
JOHN YANG: As we reported earlier, the U.N.'s top human rights body accuse Myanmar's military
of genocidal intent and gross human rights violations against the Rohingya, a Muslim
minority in Myanmar.
Myanmar's military launched their crackdown exactly a year ago.
As foreign affairs correspondent Nick Schifrin reports, the U.N. report calls for top military
generals to be investigated and prosecuted for crimes against humanity.
NICK SCHIFRIN: One year ago, along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, the Myanmar military unleashed horror.
The U.N. says soldiers torched Rohingya villages and, in the aftermath, tortured men, killed
indiscriminately, and carried out systematic sexual violence, creating an untold number
of victims of gang rape.
The U.N. says, for years, the Rohingya have suffered institutionalized oppression from
birth to death.
In the past, they have been and targeted by Myanmar authorities, but never on this scale.
Newly released satellite images show a Rohingya village full of houses last May and today
cleared of life.
Myanmar's military was responding to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, or
ARSA.
One year ago, militants assaulted 30 Myanmar police posts.
But today's U.N. report calls the subsequent crackdown wildly disproportionate, said U.N.
fact-finding mission member Radhika Coomaraswamy.
RADHIKA COOMARASWAMY, United Nations: The scale, brutality and systematic nature of
rape and violence indicate that they are part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate, terrorize
or punish the civilian population.
NICK SCHIFRIN: The terror worked.
Hundreds of thousands fled their homes.
Shell-shocked, they trudged through the mud to cross from Myanmar into Bangladesh, where
they set up sprawling, squalid refugee camps.
Hasina Begum's story was all too common.
HASINA BEGUM, Rohingya Refugee (through translator): They burned my village to ash.
They shot my father dead in front of me.
Special correspondent Tania Rashid has covered this story for us for the last year.
And over the weekend, she saw how conditions have improved in the world's largest refugee
camp.
TANIA RASHID: Many have set up shop where they're selling belts and clothing for little
children.
Pharmacies have been set up, where they're selling an array of medication, like Paracetamol
for headache.
There are even cell phone shops where locals are purchasing phones, so that they can stay
in touch with their families in Bangladesh and even Myanmar.
More than half of the population are children.
A year later, they continue to struggle, where they have taken an adult-like tasks such as
manual labor and carrying heavy loads, all to support their family.
Local doctors say that many of these children also continue to suffer from malnutrition.
NICK SCHIFRIN: And Tania Rashid joins me now from Kutopalong mega-camp in Cox's Bazar.
Tania, how far have these refugees come one year later?
TANIA RASHID: A year later,so much has changed.
During the exodus, I have seen people sleeping on plastic sheets on the streets and openly
defecating everywhere.
Now it seems like, with the humanitarian agencies that have taken over, there is much more organization
in place.
There are toilets, women-friendly spaces for survivors of sexual violence in place.
And I have also seen that many Rohingyas have set up home here.
They have been doing everything they can, from setting up shops and grocery stores,
so that they feel like they have a sense of place, unlike before.
NICK SCHIFRIN: And there's a question of repatriating these refugees.
Would they want to go?
TANIA RASHID: The reactions have been very mixed.
I have been hearing from some Rohingyas who have told me that there's no way that they
would go back to the people who burned their villages, raped them and murdered them in
some instances.
They believe that, now that they're in Bangladesh, they will make Bangladesh their homes.
Other Rohingyas have told me that they do want to go back.
There's a sense of nostalgia, of missing where they're from.
But the only way they will go back as if their citizenship is guaranteed.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Tania Rashid, thank you very much.
And I turn now to Dan Sullivan here with me in the studio.
Dan Sullivan is the senior advocate for human rights at Refugees International.
Thank you very much for being here.
DAN SULLIVAN, Refugees International: Happy to be here.
NICK SCHIFRIN: We just heard Tania Rashid talk about improvements in some of these camps.
And there are some improvements over the last year, but there's still a long way to go,
especially on services, right?
DAN SULLIVAN: Yes, absolutely.
I mean, there's -- it's come a long way from the chaos of the initial influx of refugees,
but there are a lot of problems, particularly with -- the government of Bangladesh has refused
to recognize the Rohingya as refugees.
And one of the places we really see that coming across is with gender-based violence services
and with the monsoon season.
So there's still a long way to go.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Another place that there's perhaps long way to go is back in Myanmar.
And we heard Tania Rashid talk about how there are some refugees who would want to go home.
But have the root causes that led to the violence, that led to the exodus, have any of those
been addressed?
DAN SULLIVAN: In a word, no.
You still have -- there's been no accountability.
So the people who might go back, they have no guarantees for their safety.
You have thousands of people who have continued come into Bangladesh in 2018.
No guarantees of citizenship or basic human rights.
So, no, the root causes have not been addressed in Myanmar.
NICK SCHIFRIN: The state counselor in Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate, was
faulted by the U.N. fact-finding mission today, who said that -- quote -- "She contributed
to the commission of atrocity crimes."
Is she partially at fault?
DAN SULLIVAN: Yes, it's a -- it's not a light kind of thing to say.
But I think the fact-finding mission got it right.
A lot of people have complained about Aung San Suu Kyi remaining silent, but it's worse
than that.
She hasn't just been silent.
She's -- she's talked about -- her office has talked about fake rapes in the light of
this overwhelming evidence of mass rapes.
She's blocked the fact-finding mission from coming in to investigate.
Yes, it's a tough thing to say.
And it's important to remember that the greatest degree of responsibility is with the military.
But, yes, she absolutely should be singled out, because she's effectively been an apologist
for the military, in the face of these really grave crimes.
NICK SCHIFRIN: And, quickly, in the time we have left, the military is, of course, the
headline in the U.N. fact-finding mission today, and they recommend a half-dozen generals
need to be prosecuted by the ICC, the International Criminal Court, or an ad hoc criminal court.
Can these people, can the Myanmar military be held accountable?
DAN SULLIVAN: Yes, accountability is essential to get at those root causes.
And there's a whole list of names, in addition to what they named publicly.
And the U.S. and other countries have placed some limited, targeted sanctions, but there
need to be more targeted sanctions, including on the senior general, Min Aung Hlaing.
And I think what's -- there's other measures, like global arms embargo.
But what's really missing in -- particularly from the U.S. is, you haven't heard much from
the top levels about what's going on, other than some -- some letters and secondary denunciations.
There hasn't really been anything.
So, in the light of these, some of the greatest crimes in our generation, the idea that the
president of the United States would be virtually silent is just unthinkable.
NICK SCHIFRIN: But the U.S. government says that it's about to release its own fact-finding
mission, right?
So isn't the U.S. investigating this and doing something about it?
DAN SULLIVAN: Yes.
It's very important.
They have -- they have surveyed over 1,000 different Rohingya refugees, and they have
this evidence that's ready, but they haven't released it yet.
So it's really important that the State Department report be released.
In addition to the U.N. fact-finding mission and what other organizations have found, there's
this mounting evidence of atrocities and a wave of momentum that needs to be used to
take action.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Dan Sullivan with Refugees International, thank you very much.
DAN SULLIVAN: Thank you.
JOHN YANG: And now the legacy of John McCain.
In Phoenix today, his former campaign manager read the senator's farewell to the American
people.
RICK DAVIS, Former John McCain Campaign Manager: "Do not despair of our present difficulties.
We believe always in the promise and greatness of America, because nothing is inevitable
here.
Americans never quit.
We never surrender.
We never hide from history.
We make history.
Farewell, fellow Americans.
God bless you, and God bless America."
Judy Woodruff has this look back at the life that John McCain called blessed.
JUDY WOODRUFF: By the time he became the Republican Party's presidential nominee in 2008, John
McCain has built up a reputation in American politics, one he sometimes embraced.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN (R), Arizona: You all know I have been called a maverick, someone who...
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: ... someone who marches to the beat of his own drum.
Sometimes, it's meant as a compliment, and sometimes it's not.
JUDY WOODRUFF: But it was his life before politics that set him apart.
John Sidney McCain III was born in 1936, the son and grandson of Navy admirals.
McCain followed suit.
He graduated from the Naval Academy in 1958, fifth from the bottom of his class, something
he would joke about later in life.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: If my old company officer, who doubted that I would have made lieutenant,
much less be able to run for president of the United States -- I have had the most fortunate
life.
JUDY WOODRUFF: As the Vietnam War exploded, pilot John McCain was in the middle of it.
In 1967, he narrowly escaped one of the worst U.S. naval disasters since World War II.
A fire aboard the USS Forrestal aircraft carrier left more than 130 of his fellow service members
dead.
Less than three months later, he was seriously injured when North Vietnamese forces shot
McCain's plane down over Hanoi.
He was pulled out of a local lake and captured, a prisoner of war.
McCain refused North Vietnam's offers of early release when it learned of his family connections.
He was beaten, tortured and held in solitary confinement over his five-and-a-half years
in captivity, until he was finally freed in March of 1973.
McCain received a hero's welcome back in the U.S., but it took time for him to fully recover.
He studied at the National War College, then took on a new Navy post, liaison to the United
States Senate.
In 1980, he married Cindy Lou Hensley, daughter of a wealthy beer distributor, and soon after
retired from the Navy.
He ran for and won a seat in Congress, and after four years there jumped over to the
Senate, succeeding retiring Arizona Senator and conservative icon Barry Goldwater.
As a freshman senator, McCain was caught up in the Keating Five banking scandal.
The Senate Ethics Committee held multiple public hearings looking into whether five
senators, including McCain, committed any wrongdoing by meeting with U.S. banking regulators
on behalf of political donor and Savings and Loan executive Charles Keating.
The panel cleared McCain in the end, only reprimanding him for poor judgment.
Still, years later, McCain called the hearings a public humiliation.
McCain's profile rose with the first Gulf War getting under way and as he made defense
spending one of his signature issues, alongside campaign finance and cutting government waste,
all this as he geared up to run for president in 2000.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: I want to reform government.
As I said earlier, I want to reform the tax code.
I can't do that unless I give you back your government and take it out of the hands of
the special interests and give it back to you.
JUDY WOODRUFF: McCain began as one of several underdogs for the 2000 GOP nomination, and
he acknowledged early on that the odds were against him.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Barry Goldwater from Arizona ran for president of the United States.
I'm sure you remember that.
Morris Udall from Arizona ran for president of the United States.
Arizona may be the only state in America where mothers don't tell their children that someday
they can grow up and be president of the United States.
(LAUGHTER)
JUDY WOODRUFF: , the senior senator from Arizona was up that year against the well-funded operation
of the son of a former president.
GEORGE W. BUSH, Former President of the United States: I'm in, and I intend to win.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: Then Texas Governor George W. Bush.
GEORGE W. BUSH: I think I would be a better leader than Senator McCain.
I have been in a position of executive responsibility.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: But McCain's pitch was taking hold in the crucial first primary state of
New Hampshire.
He was the happy warrior, riding his campaign bus, the Straight Talk Express, from town
hall to town hall.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: I am speaking plainly, and I'm not going to do anything that at the end of
this campaign if you vote for me that you will say, gee, McCain told me something there
at the Rotary Club in New Hampshire, and then he was down in South Carolina and said something
else, and then he was in California and said something else.
In other words, I'm not going to disappoint you.
JUDY WOODRUFF: His win in New Hampshire shocked the political world.
But, as the campaign turned to South Carolina, McCain became the target of false, racist
rumors, including one that he had a black child out of wedlock.
John and Cindy McCain did in fact have four children, including an adopted daughter, Bridget,
from Bangladesh.
All four from time to time joined their father on the trail.
He lost that primary and, in his concession speech, derided the smear campaign.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: I will not take the low road to the highest office in this land.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: The 2000 campaign never recovered.
But McCain plunged right back into his Senate work.
His passion for reforming the campaign finance system led to the bipartisan passage of a
law with his name on it, McCain-Feingold.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: I think we understand -- and America understand as well -- if you have
ban the soft money, you ban the union member, the trial lawyer, the corporation head, whoever
it is, from being able to corrupt this process.
JUDY WOODRUFF: He was also part of a bipartisan push for an immigration law overhaul.
But it was his advocacy of a more aggressive global posture for the U.S. that led to McCain's
calls for a larger American footprint in Iraq and Afghanistan.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Having been a critic of the way this war was fought and a proponent of the
very strategy now being followed, it is my obligation to encourage Americans to give
it a chance to succeed.
To do otherwise would be contrary to the interest of my country and dishonorable.
JUDY WOODRUFF: McCain's 2008 presidential campaign ran into trouble early.
His fund-raising at first lagged badly behind others.
In response, candidate McCain trimmed staff, focused hard on the early states, and almost
single-handedly got things back on track.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Thank you very much.
JUDY WOODRUFF: After a win in New Hampshire, he turned the tables in South Carolina, and
from there pressed on to the Republican nomination.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: She's exactly who I need.
She's exactly who this country needs.
JUDY WOODRUFF: McCain took a gamble by tapping a little known governor, Alaska's Sarah Palin,
to be his running mate, the first woman on a Republican presidential ticket.
SARAH PALIN (R), Former Alaska Governor: We can shatter that glass ceiling once and for
all.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: On the stump, she revved up the Republican base and channeled the populist
anti-establishment fervor that competed with her inexperience.
SARAH PALIN: I reminded people that, no, government is not always the answer.
In fact, too often, government is the problem.
JUDY WOODRUFF: And more than her share of controversy.
SARAH PALIN: Our opponent is someone who sees America as imperfect enough to pal around
with terrorists who targeted their own country.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Still, her message backed up that coming from the top of the ticket.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: My friends, I wasn't elected Ms. Congeniality in the United States Congress
again this year, I'm sorry to say.
When I'm president, the first earmark, pork barrel bill that comes across my desk, I will
veto it.
You will know their names.
We will make them famous.
And we will stop this corruption.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: The 2008 financial collapse hit, but only boosted McCain's Democratic
opponent, Illinois Senator Barack Obama, the first ever black presidential nominee from
a major party.
That fall's debates laid bare their differences.
As McCain highlighted Obama's inexperience, Obama linked McCain to the unpopular policies
of the sitting Republican president.
BARACK OBAMA, Former President of the United States: Pursuing the same kinds of policies
that we pursued over the less eight years is not going to bring down the deficit.
And, frankly, Senator McCain voted for four out of five of President Bush's budgets.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Senator Obama, I am not President Bush.
If you wanted to run against President Trump, you should have run for years ago.
I'm going to give a new direction to this economy and this country.
JUDY WOODRUFF: In the run-up to Election Day, McCain stood up to ugly rumors some of his
own supporters were spreading about his opponent.
WOMAN: I have got to ask you a question.
I don't know believe in -- I can't trust Obama.
I have read about him, and he's not -- he's not -- he's a -- he's an Arab.
He's not...
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: No, ma'am.
No, ma'am.
WOMAN: No?
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: No, ma'am.
No, ma'am.
He's a decent family man, citizen that I just happen to have disagreements with on fundamental
issues.
And that's what this campaign is about.
He's not.
Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: In the end, McCain sell well short, losing the popular vote by 6 percentage
points, some nine-and-a-half million votes.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Whatever our differences, we are fellow Americans, and please believe me
when I say, no association has ever meant more to me than that.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: After the election, he again returned to be a force in the Senate.
McCain remained an influential voice on immigration, though he sounded more conservative during
his 2010 Senate reelection bid.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: Complete the dang fence.
MAN: It'll work this time.
Senator, you're one of us.
JUDY WOODRUFF: He also took over as chair of the powerful Armed Services Committee.
And he never abandoned his maverick reputation, not shying away from a clash with either President
Obama or President Trump and their foreign policy.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: To refuse the obligations of international leadership and our duty to remain
the last best hope of Earth for the sake of some half-baked, spurious nationalism cooked
up by people who would rather find scapegoats than solve problems.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
JUDY WOODRUFF: Most notably, his was the dramatic no-vote that sank his own party's effort to
repeal President Obama's health care reform.
MAN: The senior senator from Arizona.
JUDY WOODRUFF: In one of his final speeches on the Senate floor, he made this emotional
appeal to his colleagues:
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: We are getting nothing done, my friends.
We're getting nothing done.
JUDY WOODRUFF: Resist today's divisive politics, he told them.
Bring bipartisanship back.
SEN.
JOHN MCCAIN: The Senate is capable of that.
We know that.
We have seen it before.
I have seen it happen many times.
And the times when I was involved, even in a modest way, with working on a bipartisan
response to a national problem or threat are the proudest moments of my career, and by
far the most satisfying.
What a great honor and extraordinary opportunity it is to serve in this body.
It is an honor to serve the American people in your company.
Thank you, fellow senators, Mr. President.
(APPLAUSE)
JOHN YANG: That was Judy Woodruff on John McCain, the public man.
To learn about the private man, we're joined by someone who knew him well, former Defense
Secretary William Cohen.
They served together in the Senate.
And 38 years ago, Secretary Cohen was a groomsman at John McCain's wedding.
This weekend, he will be a pallbearer at his funeral.
Mr. Secretary, thank you so much for joining us.
WILLIAM COHEN, Former U.S. Secretary of Defense: Good to be with you.
JOHN YANG: When you first met John McCain, you were not Senate colleagues or even congressional
colleagues.
He was the Navy liaison to the Senate.
What drew you two together?
WILLIAM COHEN: A call that came from Howard -- Senator Howard Baker's office saying that
he wanted me to join three other senators to meet the Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping,
in Beijing.
And so I went on that trip with Senator Glenn, Senator Hart and Senator Nunn.
And John was the escort officer.
And during that time, he regaled us with stories, funny stories, always self-deprecating, always
telling kind of Irish jokes on himself, and would talk about the O'Reilly twins in a bar.
And I won't go into the details on that.
But it was always just a lot of fun.
And when you traveled with John, you knew that you were going to enjoy the trip.
You may be on a very serious mission, but you always knew that being with him, in his
presence, was going to make the trip really fun-loving.
And that's the way it was with him, whether he dealt with the press and called you jerks
in a very humorous way, and meaning as a compliment, never as a derogatory term.
But he wanted to -- he wanted to make friends.
He wanted to tell you who he was.
He wanted you to know that there's a real conscience in there.
And when he violated his conscience, he did something he knew in his heart he didn't feel,
he was the first one to admit it, not privately, but publicly, as a public figure, as a national
figure, as an international figure.
And that's something that is rare today or even yesterday.
And so one thing that really attracted me to him, the sense of, I'm going to do what
I think is right.
And, if I fail, and I probably will fail, I will try to make it right.
And so that was who John McCain was, somebody who was flawed.
And he loved to quote Hemingway.
And Hemingway wrote in one of his books, maybe "A Farewell to Arms," but he said, the world
breaks everyone, he said, but afterwards, many are strong at the broken places.
And, to me, that was John McCain.
He was strong at the many broken places that he had on his body.
But what was never broken was his spirit and his fire and his willingness to stand up for
what America, in his mind and those of us who loved him, believed was the America of
promise, of opportunity, of equality, of doing the right thing, of making sure that we stayed
a beacon of light in a world filled with darkness.
That's who John was.
He fought that to the end.
And when the end was no longer inevitable in terms of keeping going, he said, it's time
for me to rest.
And so I will miss him.
But he, as he said, had a good life, a long life, and one that few can ever match in terms
of his heroism, but also his willingness to challenge authority.
I was with him in Munich.
I think it was 2007, when President Putin was invited to the annual security conference
in Munich.
And most of the people there were eager to have Putin come in and say, let's be friends.
After all of these years, let's be friends.
And Putin gave an extraordinary Cold War speech.
He stunned everybody in the audience.
And John didn't hesitate a moment.
When it came time for him to speak, he really went after Putin directly and said, you want
to take us back to the Soviet empire, you want to take us back to a Cold War?
That's something that all of us can never go back to, never want to go back to.
And he spoke out against it very vigorously that day.
Once again, everyone in the audience applauded him for the courage to speak out against the
leader that was consolidating power and has continued to do so.
JOHN YANG: You talk about the sense of fun of being with John McCain.
And I think so many -- to the public, it's been the stern -- was the stern John McCain
at the dais, at the Senate Armed Services Committee, usually tough questioning, someone
from the Pentagon.
Is are -- their stories you can share with us about what it was like to be with John
McCain?
WILLIAM COHEN: I can't share the stories on public television.
(LAUGHTER)
WILLIAM COHEN: But I can say what it was like to be with him.
He was never really at rest, even when he was cooking hamburgers out in the back of
his yard, even when he was sailing down the Colorado River or whatever.
He was never really at rest.
It was always a sense, I have got to do something.
I have got to make every moment count.
And we only had to think of how many moments he had alone, five-and-a-half years, two at
least, or more, in solitary confinement, beaten day after day.
He had a lot to make up for.
And so I think that was the restlessness that he had to continue to want to do good for
the country.
JOHN YANG: It's been widely reported that the two people who will speak at his funeral
at the Washington Cathedral will be former President George W. Bush and former President
Barack Obama, the two men who defeated him for the presidency.
To you, what does that say about who John McCain was?
WILLIAM COHEN: Well, it puts an exclamation point on who he was.
But remember this.
He was tortured for five-and-a-half years.
Who was the man who joined John -- Senator John Kerry and said, that's the past, we need
to do this for the good of the country, I am willing to make peace with the people who
beat me and tortured me, because it's in the best interest of the United States?
That tells you who John McCain was.
JOHN YANG: Former Defense Secretary William Cohen, remembering John McCain, thank you
very much.
WILLIAM COHEN: My pleasure.
JOHN YANG: We turn out for more on McCain's political legacy and what his passing means
for a heated Arizona election with our regular politics Monday team, Tamara Keith of NPR
and Amy Walter of The Cook Political Report.
Welcome to you both.
This back and forth between President Obama and Senator John McCain went on right up to
the end, and actually beyond the end a little bit.
Tam, we played a little bit of the final message that was read this morning in Arizona.
And he had some words that could be interpreted as a message about President Trump.
TAMARA KEITH, National Public Radio: Certainly.
There was a passage -- and I have written it down, so I apologize for looking down.
But in this final letter, he says: "We weaken our greatness when we confuse our patriotism
with tribal rivalries that have sown resentment and hatred and violence in all the corners
of the globe.
We weaken it when we hide behind walls, rather than tear them down."
President Trump obviously talks a lot about a wall.
And this -- it wasn't officially a message to President Trump, but it certainly -- it
certainly reads that way.
And this comes as President Trump put out a statement on Twitter that didn't say anything
nice at all about John McCain, at least initially.
And then today there was a longer story statement, and that involved lowering the flag to have
half-staff, where there was half-a-sentence where he said that he respected McCain's service
to the nation.
JOHN YANG: Amy?
AMY WALTER, The Cook Political Report: I don't know.
Maybe I'm just -- this is my contrarian side coming forward.
But I think, to honor the life of John McCain, it'd be best for all of us in the news media
to spend time on John McCain, and not time on Donald Trump and what he's tweeting and
not tweeting, and the intrigue in the office, was he going to say this, was he not going
to say that, and to spend it instead, as the "NewsHour" did, on a whole retrospective of
his life.
What I find fascinating too about the era that we're in right now, it didn't begin -- it
didn't end during John McCain's tenure there.
It didn't start with Donald Trump.
The Senate has become a much more polarizing, partisan place.
And the folks at 538.com did a great piece the other day where they looked at John McCain's
voting record in the time since he's been in office.
His first decade in office, he voted 88 percent of the time with Republicans.
That put him about -- with the Republican in the White House.
That put him basically in the middle of the Senate.
Half voted fewer times with their party, half more.
Now, at 87 percent for the last 20 years, OK, so a point lower, he's in the lower third,
OK?
So he didn't move.
The Senate moved to be a much more polarizing place.
TAMARA KEITH: Yes.
And in terms of his relationship with his party, it was -- it was always a complicated
relationship.
At times, he was in lockstep with the Republican Party and Republican orthodoxy.
At other times, he was out of step with it.
And if you -- listening to conservative talk radio, there wasn't a lot of love lost for
Senator McCain on the far right.
AMY WALTER: No.
JOHN YANG: And a complicated relationship with the party in his own state.
And, tomorrow, they're going to go to the polls, a Republican primary there.
The candidates for the other Senate seat, for Jeff Flake's Senate seat, the three Republican
candidates, two of them no big fans of John McCain.
What does that say about how politics has moved?
AMY WALTER: That's right.
I think it's fascinating to see that the -- President Trump is much more popular among Arizona Republicans.
I mean a lot more popular.
I looked at -- the last poll that I found was a CBS poll from June that McCain's job
approval rating among Republicans in Arizona was 20 percent.
So there's a reason that all of the Republicans running to replace Jeff Flake in this primary
tomorrow are trying to attach themselves much more closely with President Trump than they
are with John McCain.
And we're going to, I think, see that continue in a whole bunch of other places, where these
-- quote, unquote -- "mavericks" who are retiring now are going to be replaced by, if they replaced
by a Republican, one who fits much more in the Trump mold.
TAMARA KEITH: Yes, and there's a reason Jeff Flake retired.
JOHN YANG: Very good point.
TAMARA KEITH: Yes.
JOHN YANG: And the governor, Doug Ducey, in Arizona is going to have to name a replacement
for Senator McCain.
He says he won't do it until after obviously the burial on Sunday.
But he faces the choice.
Is it going to be someone like John McCain?
Or is it going to be someone more like Donald Trump?
TAMARA KEITH: And is it going to be someone who is sort of a caretaker who will be in
that post for two years, and then -- and then it'll be open season and everybody can run
for it?
One -- one name that has been floated -- and who knows if this the direction he would go
-- is Cindy McCain, John McCain's widow.
If they were to go that direction, it would follow in sort of a long tradition of wives
being named to their husband's seats after their husbands have died.
Back in the old days, that was that was how women got into Congress.
JOHN YANG: That's right.
AMY WALTER: Well, and just from that poll that I noted that folks in Arizona in the
Republican Party do not -- are not embracing, whether it's John McCain or Jeff Flake, the
maverick outsider, not sticking with Trump, not sticking with the party line kind of persona.
So my expectation is, Ducey is going to nominate somebody who is going to be a reliable vote.
And that's going to be important for Mitch McConnell going into these next few months,
where he will now finally have 51 votes.
JOHN YANG: About a minute left.
In Florida, another primary tomorrow.
One of the government gubernatorial candidates really wanted President Trump's endorsement.
Got it.
He's running against a Republican who worked through the ranks, did all the things you're
supposed to do if you want to advance in the party and become governor.
AMY WALTER: Yes.
JOHN YANG: What does this say about where we are in politics?
AMY WALTER: That this is Trump's party now.
And if you are on the Trump team, it can -- it doesn't necessarily guarantee you a win in
a primary.
But it gives you a tremendous boost.
TAMARA KEITH: Right.
And Ron DeSantis, the candidate who is hugging President Trump closely, has this ad that
is absolutely hilarious with his children, and just like -- you have to see it to believe
it.
But it's all about how much he loves Donald Trump, and has gotten the endorsement of President
Trump.
There is -- there is no doubt where he's headed with that ad.
JOHN YANG: Tamara Keith, Amy Walter, Politics Monday, thanks a lot.
AMY WALTER: You're welcome.
TAMARA KEITH: You're welcome.
JOHN YANG: Finally tonight: remembering one of the country's most prolific playwrights
and, for decades, one of the most commercially successful.
Jeffrey Brown has our look at the career of Neil Simon, who died Sunday at 91.
JEFFREY BROWN: For much of the 1960s and '70s, Neil Simon was the name that lit up Broadway
marquees and dominated popular comedy with rapid-fire jokes and portraits of urban anxiety.
His breakthrough play in 1963 was "Barefoot in the Park," later turned into a movie starring
Robert Redford and Jane Fonda as newlyweds.
JANE FONDA, Actress: You're always dressed right.
You always look right.
You always say the right thing.
You're very nearly perfect.
ROBERT REDFORD, Actor: That's a rotten thing to say.
JANE FONDA: Before we were married, I thought you slept with a tie.
ROBERT REDFORD: No, just for very formal sleeps.
JEFFREY BROWN: "The Odd Couple," about two mismatched divorcees, became his biggest hit.
The film version starred Walter Matthau and Jack Lemmon.
WALTER MATTHAU, Actor: Now, kindly remove that spaghetti from my poker table.
JACK LEMMON, ACTOR: It's not spaghetti.
It's linguine.
WALTER MATTHAU: Now it's garbage.
JEFFREY BROWN: In the Broadway rehearsals for the show, directed by Mike Nichols, Simon
felt a scene had fallen flat.
Years later, he told The New York Times of a lesson he had learned.
NEIL SIMON, Playwright: I said, "What happened, Mike?"
He said: "It's funny, but they don't like what's happening.
They like these people, and you're making them go in a way that is not -- not really
good for them."
So I changed that.
And we got less laughs, but more cheers for the -- for the play.
So I started to learn about it, that it's not all about the laughter.
It's about the feelings that the audience gets.
JEFFREY BROWN: In 1966, Simon had for Broadway shows running simultaneously.
And between 1965 and 1980, his plays and musicals racked up more than 9,000 performances.
He'd honed his comedy chops early as a member of the famous writers room for Sid Caesar's
"Your Show of Shows."
Simon found new acclaim in the 1980s for an autobiographical trilogy of plays, starting
with "Brighton Beach Memoirs" starring Matthew Broderick.
He received for Tony Awards, the last for his 1991 play "Lost in Yonkers," which also
brought him the coveted Pulitzer Prize.
Neil Simon died on Sunday in New York from complications of pneumonia.
He was 91 years old.
And for more on the work and legacy of Neil Simon, I'm joined by Peter Marks, theater
critic for The Washington Post.
Peter, thanks for joining us.
What made Neil Simon so successful?
What chord did he strike in his time?
PETER MARKS, The Washington Post: Well, he was -- Jeffrey, he was the perfect troubadour
for the middle classes in the '60s and '70s.
He understood so well that regular people wanted to see their problems portrayed on
stage and screen.
And I think he came along at a time when no longer was the idea of survival, barely surviving
the question that most Americans were worrying about, as much it was getting along with the
people in their family.
He was from a Depression generation that had gotten through the Depression and World War
II.
And now they had moved into a more comfortable world.
And I think that what he portrayed in those wonderful comedies especially was the way
in which we can get on each other's nerves, and that these can be, maybe to everyone else,
as funny as they seem to us.
And, in fact, he had a skill at escalating those problems into mini-operas.
JEFFREY BROWN: Yes, did you have a -- we just watched a couple of clips.
Did you have a favorite -- favorite anecdote or favorite scene or favorite play?
PETER MARKS: Well, you always go back to the greatest play, which I think was "The Odd
Couple."
That is the seminal Neil Simon play.
And I just remember the war that he created, this wonderful war between these two divorced
men forced to live together, essentially.
I mean, it really was the portrait of a marriage -- the opposite of "Long Day's Journey Into
Night" or "Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?" -- a comic side.
And I just remember this great scene that -- in which -- in the movie version, Matthau's
Oscar and Lemmon's Felix are talking about Oscar's complete disgust with Felix's tidiness.
And at one point, he talks about leaving.
And he gives the reason to Lemmon's Unger.
He says: "Felix, I really don't think two single men living in an eight-room apartment
should have a cleaner apartment than my mother."
(LAUGHTER)
PETER MARKS: And I thought that that was kind of like -- that distilled for people the essence
of what he was getting at about getting along with people.
JEFFREY BROWN: We just have a short time.
Just thinking about the whole career, very prolific, but that meant missed, as well as
hits.
And there's a lot been written about how perhaps the humor -- tastes change, the humor went
out of style, the critical acclaim that didn't -- that didn't come and then did come.
Where do you see his legacy and the lasting impact?
PETER MARKS: Oh, it's going to be with the comedies.
He tried, Jeffrey, to move into more dramatic forms.
He saw the changes himself.
His audience was moving on.
And there were more serious forms that he wanted to pursue.
I think he had some success with those with "Lost in Yonkers" and the trilogy you mentioned.
2
But he's going to be remembered for the plays that made my mother laugh the loudest.
JEFFREY BROWN: All right, Peter Marks of The Washington Post on the life and times of Neil
Simon, thanks very much.
PETER MARKS: You're welcome.
JOHN YANG: And that's the "NewsHour" for tonight.
I'm John Yang.
Join us online and again here tomorrow night.
For all of us at the "PBS NewsHour," thanks.
Good night.
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