DEAR SIR,
MY letters to you last winter, on the subject of a well balanced national government for
the United States, were the result of a free enquiry; when I passed from that subject to
enquiries relative to our commerce, revenues, past administration, &c.
I anticipated the anxieties I feel, on carefully examining the plan of government proposed
by the convention.
It appears to be a plan retaining some federal features; but to be the first important step,
and to aim strongly at one consolidated government of the United States.
It leaves the powers of government, and the representation of the people, so unnaturally
divided between the general and state governments, that the operations of our system must be
very uncertain.
My uniform federal attachments, and the interest I have in the protection of property, and
a steady execution of the laws, will convince you, that, if I am under any bias at all,
it is in favor of any general system which shall promise those advantages.
The instability of our laws increases my wishes for firm and steady government; but then,
I can consent to no government, which, in my opinion, is not calculated equally to preserve
the rights of all orders of men in the community.
My object has been to join with those who have endeavored to supply the defects in the
forms of our governments by a steady and proper administration of them.
Though I have long apprehended that fraudulent debtors, and embarrassed men, on the one hand,
and men, on the other, unfriendly to republican equality, would produce an uneasiness among
the people, and prepare the way, not for cool and deliberate reforms in the governments,
but for changes calculated to promote the interests of particular orders of men.
Acquit me, sir, of any agency in the formation of the new system; I shall be satisfied with
seeing, if it shall be adopted with a prudent administration.
Indeed I am so much convinced of the truth of Pope's maxim, that "That which is best
administered is best," that I am much inclined to subscribe to it from experience.
I am not disposed to unreasonably contend about forms.
I know our situation is critical, and it behooves us to make the best of it.
A federal government of some sort is necessary.
We have suffered the present to languish; and whether the confederation was capable
or not originally of answering any valuable purposes, it is now but of little importance.
I will pass by the men, and states, who have been particularly instrumental in preparing
the way for a change, and perhaps, for governments not very favorable to the people at large.
A constitution is now presented which we may reject, or which we may accept with or without
amendments, and to which point we ought to direct our exertions is the question.
To determine this question with propriety; we must attentively examine the system itself,
and the probable consequences of either step.
This I shall endeavor to do, so far as I am able, with candor and fairness; and leave
you to decide upon the propriety of my opinions, the weight of my reasons, and how far my conclusions
are well drawn.
Whatever may be the conduct of others, on the present occasion, I do not mean hastily
and positively to decide on the merits of the constitution proposed.
I shall be open to conviction and always disposed to adopt that which, all things considered,
shall appear to me to be most for the happiness of the community.
It must be granted, that if men hastily and blindly adopt a system of government, they
will as hastily and as blindly be led to alter or abolish it; and changes must ensue, one
after another, till the peaceable and better part of the community will grow weary with
changes, tumults and disorders, and be disposed to accept any government however despotic,
that shall promise stability and firmness.
The first principal question that occurs, is, Whether, considering our situation, we
ought to precipitate the adoption of the proposed constitution?
If we remain cool and temperate, we are in no immediate danger of any commotions; we
are in a state of perfect peace, and in no danger of invasions; the state governments
are in the full exercise of their powers; and our governments answer all present exigencies,
except the regulation of trade, securing credit, in some cases, and providing for the interest,
in some instances, of the public debts; and whether we adopt a change three or nine months
hence, can make but little odds with the private circumstances of individuals; their happiness
and prosperity, after all, depend principally upon their own exertions.
We are hardly recovered from a long and distressing war: The farmers, fishermen, &c. have not
fully repaired the waste made by it.
Industry and frugality are again assuming their proper station.
Private debts are lessened, and public debts incurred by the war have been, by various
ways, diminished; and the public lands have now become a productive source for diminishing
them much more.
I know uneasy men, who with very much to precipitate, do not admit all these facts; but they are
facts well known to all men who are thoroughly informed in the affairs of this country.
It must, however, be admitted, that our federal system is defective, and that some of the
state governments are not well administered; but, then, we impute to the defects in our
governments many evils and embarrassments which are most clearly the result of the late
war.
We must allow men to conduct on the present occasion, as on all similar one's.
They will urge a thousand pretenses to answer their purposes on both sides.
When we want a man to change his condition, we describe it as wretched, miserable, and
despised; and draw a pleasing picture of that which we would have him assume.
And when we wish the contrary, we reverse our descriptions.
Whenever a clamor is raised, and idle men get to work, it is highly necessary to examine
facts carefully, and without unreasonably suspecting men of falsehood, to examine, and
enquire attentively, under what impressions they act.
It is too often the case in political concerns that men state facts not as they are, but
as they wish them to be; and almost every man, by calling to mind past scenes, will
find this to be true.
Nothing but the passions of ambitious, impatient, or disorderly men, I conceive, will plunge
us into commotions, if time should be taken fully to examine and consider the system proposed.
Men who feel easy in their circumstances, and such as are not sanguine in their expectations
relative to the consequences of the proposed change, will remain quiet under the existing
governments.
Many commercial and monied men, who are uneasy, not without just cause, ought to be respected;
and by no means, unreasonably disappointed in their expectations and hopes; but as to
those who expect employments under the new constitution; as to those weak and ardent
men who always expect to be gainers by revolutions, and whose lot it generally is to get out of
one difficulty into another, they are very little to be regarded; and as to those who
designedly avail themselves of this weakness and ardor, they are to be despised.
It is natural for men, who wish to hasten the adoption of a measure, to tell us, now
is the crisis-now is the critical moment which must be seized or all will be lost; and to
shut the door against free enquiry, whenever conscious the thing presented has defects
in it, which time and investigation will probably discover.
This has been the custom of tyrants, and their dependents in all ages.
If it is true, what has been so often said, that the people of this country cannot change
their condition for the worse, I presume it still behooves them to endeavor deliberately
to change it for the better.
The fickle and ardent, in any community are the proper tools for establishing despotic
government.
But it is deliberate and thinking men, who must establish and secure governments on free
principles.
Before they decide on the plan proposed, they will enquire whether it will probably be a
blessing or a curse to this people.
The present moment discovers a new face in our affairs.
Our object has been all along, to reform our federal system and to strengthen our governments-to
establish peace, order and justice in the community-but a new object now presents.
The plan of government now proposed is evidently calculated totally to change, in time, our
condition as a people.
Instead of being thirteen republics, under a federal head, it is clearly designed to
make us one consolidated government.
Of this, I think, I shall fully convince you, in my following letters on this subject.
This consolidation of the states has been the object of several men in this country
for some time past.
Whether such a change can ever be effected, in any manner; whether it can be effected
without convulsions and civil wars; whether such a change will not totally destroy the
liberties of this country-time only can determine.
To have a just idea of the government before us, and to show that a consolidated one is
the object in view, it is necessary not only to examine the plan, but also its history,
and the politics of its particular friends.
The confederation was formed when great confidence was placed in the voluntary exertions of individuals,
and of the respective states; and the framers of it, to guard against usurpation, so limited,
and checked the powers, that, in many respects, they are inadequate to the exigencies of the
union.
We find, therefore, members of congress urging alterations in the federal system almost as
soon as it was adopted.
It was early proposed to vest congress with powers to levy an impost, to regulate trade,
&c. but such was known to be the caution of the states in parting with power, that the
vestment even of these, was proposed to be under several checks and limitations.
During the war, the general confusion, and the introduction of paper money, infused in
the minds of people vague ideas respecting government and credit.
We expected too much from the return of peace, and of course we have been disappointed.
Our governments have been new and unsettled; and several legislatures, by making tender,
suspension, and paper money laws, have given just cause of uneasiness to creditors.
By these and other causes, several orders of men in the community have been prepared,
by degrees, for a change of government; and this very abuse of power in the legislatures,
which in some cases has been charged upon the democratic part of the community, has
furnished aristocratical men with those very weapons, and those very means, with which,
in great measure, they are rapidly effecting their favorite object.
And should an oppressive government be the consequence of the proposed change, prosperity
may reproach not only a few overbearing, unprincipled men, but those parties in the states which
have misused their powers.
The conduct of several legislatures, touching paper money, and tender laws, has prepared
many honest men for changes in government, which otherwise they would not have thought
of-when by the evils, on the one hand, and by the secret instigations of artful men,
on the other, the minds of men were become sufficiently uneasy, a bold step was taken,
which is usually followed by a revolution, or a civil war.
A general convention for mere commercial purposes was moved for-the authors of this measure
saw that the people's attention was turned solely to the amendment of the federal system;
and that, had the idea of a total change been started, probably no state would have appointed
members to the convention.
The idea of destroying ultimately, the state government, and forming one consolidated system,
could not have been admitted-a convention, therefore, merely for vesting in congress
power to regulate trade was proposed.
This was pleasing to the commercial towns; and the landed people had little or no concern
about it.
September, 1786, a few men from the middle states met at Annapolis, and hastily proposed
a convention to be held in May, 1787, for the purpose, generally, of amending the confederation-this
was done before the delegates of Massachusetts, and of the other states arrived-still not
a word was said about destroying the old constitution, and making a new one.The states still unsuspecting,
and not aware that they were passing the Rubicon, appointed members to the new convention, for
the sole and express purpose of revising and amending the confederation-and, probably,
not one man in ten thousand in the United States, till within these ten or twelve days,
had an idea that the old ship was to be destroyed, and he put to the alternative of embarking
in the new ship presented, or of being left in danger of sinking.The States, I believe,
universally supposed the convention would report alterations in the confederation, which
would pass an examination in congress, and after being agreed to there, would be confirmed
by all the legislatures, or be rejected.
Virginia made a very respectable appointment, and placed at the head of it the first man
in America.
In this appointment there was a mixture of political characters; but Pennsylvania appointed
principally those men who are esteemed aristocratical.
Here the favorite moment for changing the government was evidently discerned by a few
men, who seized it with address.
Ten other states appointed, and tho- they chose men principally connected with commerce
and the judicial department yet they appointed many good republican characters-had they all
attended we should now see, I am persuaded, a better system presented.
The non-attendance of eight or nine men, who were appointed members of the convention,
I shall ever consider as a very unfortunate event to the United States.-Had they attended,
I am pretty clear that the result of the convention would not have had that strong tendency to
aristocracy now discernable in every part of the plan.
There would not have been so great an accumulation of powers, especially as to the internal police
of this country in a few hands as the constitution reported proposes to vest in them-the young
visionary men, and the consolidating aristocracy, would have been more restrained than they
have been.
Eleven states met in the convention, and after four months close attention presented the
new constitution, to be adopted or rejected by the people.
The uneasy and fickle part of the community may be prepared to receive any form of government;
but I presume the enlightened and substantial part will give any constitution presented
for their adoption a candid and thorough examination; and silence those designing or empty men,
who weakly and rashly attempt to precipitate the adoption of a system of so much importance.
We shall view the convention with proper respect-and, at the same time, that we reflect there were
men of abilities and integrity in it, we must recollect how disproportionately the democratic
and aristocratic parts of the community were represented.Perhaps the judicious friends
and opposers of the new constitution will agree, that it is best to let it rely solely
on its own merits, or be condemned for its own defects.
In the first place, I shall premise, that the plan proposed is a plan of accommodation-and
that it is in this way only, and by giving up a part of our opinions, that we can ever
expect to obtain a government founded in freedom and compact.
This circumstance candid men will always keep in view, in the discussion of this subject.
The plan proposed appears to be partly federal, but principally however, calculated ultimately
to make the states one consolidated government.
The first interesting question, therefore suggested, is, how far the states can be consolidated
into one entire government on free principles.
In considering this question extensive objects are to be taken into view, and important changes
in the forms of government to be carefully attended to in all their consequences.
The happiness of the people at large must be the great object with every honest statesman,
and he will direct every movement to this point.
If we are so situated as a people, as not to be able to enjoy equal happiness and advantages
under one government, the consolidation of the states cannot be admitted.
There are three different forms of free government under which the United States may exist as
one nation; and now is, perhaps, the time to determine to which we will direct our views.
1.
Distinct republics connected under a federal head.
In this case the respective state governments must be the principal guardians of the peoples
rights, and exclusively regulate their internal police; in them must rest the balance of government.
The congress of the states, or federal head, must consist of delegates amenable to, and
removable by the respective states: This congress must have general directing powers; powers
to require men and monies of the states; to make treaties; peace and war; to direct the
operations of armies, &c.
Under this federal modification of government, the powers of congress would be rather advisory
or recommendatory than coercive.
2.
We may do away the federal state governments, and form or consolidate all the states into
one entire government, with one executive, one judiciary, and one legislature, consisting
of senators and representatives collected from all parts of the union: In this case
there would be a complete consolidation of the states.
3.
We may consolidate the states as to certain national objects, and leave them severally
distinct independent republics, as to internal police generally.
Let the general government consist of an executive, a judiciary, and balanced legislature, and
its powers extend exclusively to all foreign concerns, causes arising on the seas to commerce,
imports, armies, navies, Indian affairs, peace and war, and to a few internal concerns of
the community; to the coin, post offices, weights and measures, a general plan for the
militia, to naturalization, and, perhaps to bankruptcies, leaving the internal police
of the community, in other respects, exclusively to the state governments; as the administration
of justice in all causes arising internally, the laying and collecting of internal taxes,
and the forming of the militia according to a general plan prescribed.
In this case there would be a complete consolidation, quoad certain objects only.
Touching the first, or federal plan, I do not think much can be said in its favor: The
sovereignty of the nation, without coercive and efficient powers to collect the strength
of it, cannot always be depended on to answer the purposes of government; and in a congress
of representatives of foreign states, there must necessarily be an unreasonable mixture
of powers in the same hands.
As to the second, or complete consolidating plan, it deserves to be carefully considered
at this time by every American: If it be impracticable, it is a fatal error to model our governments,
directing our views ultimately to it.
The third plan, or partial consolidation, is, in my opinion, the only one that can secure
the freedom and happiness of this people.
I once had some general ideas that the second plan was practicable, but from long attention,
and the proceedings of the convention, I am fully satisfied, that this third plan is the
only one we can with safety and propriety proceed upon.
Making this the standard to point out, with candor and fairness, the parts of the new
constitution which appear to be improper, is my object.
The convention appears to have proposed the partial consolidation evidently with a view
to collect all powers ultimately, in the United States into one entire government; and from
its views in this respect, and from the tenacity of the small states to have an equal vote
in the senate, probably originated the greatest defects in the proposed plan.
Independent of the opinions of many great authors, that a free elective government cannot
be extended over large territories, a few reflections must evince, that one government
and general legislation alone never can extend equal benefits to all parts of the United
States: Different laws, customs, and opinions exist in the different states, which by a
uniform system of laws would be unreasonably invaded.
The United States contain about a million of square miles, and in half a century will,
probably, contain ten millions of people; and from the center to the extremes is about
800 miles.
Before we do away the state governments or adopt measures that will tend to abolish them,
and to consolidate the states into one entire government several principles should be considered
and facts ascertained:-These, and my examination into the essential parts of the proposed plan,
I shall pursue in my next.
Your's, &c.
THE FEDERAL FARMER.
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