Thứ Năm, 25 tháng 1, 2018

Waching daily Jan 26 2018

Tasty Pizza Rolls recipe | Homemade fast food-style fresh n hot mini pizza rolls- YouTube

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Ella me prefiere - ELEVENSIXXX FT THIEGO KATH [PROD.BY 21K] [CC] - Duration: 3:02.

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Лол Питомцы LoL Pets Surprise Series 3 Puppy Видео для детей Мультик про Сюрпризы ЛОЛ + Тролли - Duration: 7:54.

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Kisi Ko Mehrban Karne Ka Asan Wazif By Kamran Sultan - Duration: 2:50.

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ആദി കാണാൻ ദുൽഖർ സൽമാൻ എത്തി | #aadhi movie Celebration #dulqur Salman - Duration: 0:50.

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Dulqur salman came for celebrate

Aadi movie release

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Jessie J - Queen (Acoustic) - Duration: 5:19.

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Di Bawah - Hatsune Miku ft. Faief Omar [RJKUKER REMIX] - Duration: 3:26.

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This Candidate REALLY Hates Feminists - Duration: 7:50.

THERE

IS A GOP CANDIDATE IN MISSOURI WHO WAS RUNNING FOR A

SENATE SEAT.

HIS NAME IS COURTLAND SYKES AND HE IS VERY

OPEN ABOUT THE FACT THAT HE LOOKS RIDICULOUS IN THAT PHOTO

AMONG OTHER THINGS.

THE REASON HE IS GETTING A LITTLE BIT OF

ATTENTION IS BECAUSE HE HAS BEEN ASKED ABOUT HIS FEELINGS IN

REGARDS TO WOMEN'S RIGHTS AND HE HAS SAID SOME THINGS THAT HAVE

UPSET SOME WOMEN.

I WILL TELL YOU WHY.

LET ME GIVE YOU THE

DETAILS.

THE QUESTION IS DO YOU FAVOR WOMEN'S RIGHTS?

HE SAYS

THIS.

HE HAS

A FIANC…E NAMED CHANEL.

LET'S PAUSE HERE.

WHEN IT FIRST STARTED OUT I WAS LIKE THEY LIKE

TO PLAY GAMES.

HE HAS BEEN A BAD BOY AND HE NEEDS TO BE

OBEDIENT.

BUT THEN THEY ARE SWITCHING IT UP FOR DINNER, ETC.

AND I AM LIKE, YOU DO YOU.

RIGHT BACK AT YOU.

YOU AND

CHANEL

GO NUTS.

IT STARTED OUT FUN.

AT THE END THERE, NORMAN ROCKWELL.

HAVING DINNER READY FOR ME, I DON'T KNOW IF YOU WERE PLAYING

SOME GAMES, FINE BUT IF YOU EXPECT THAT IS HOW YOUR DAUGHTER

SHOULD REACT, YOU ARE LOSING ME.

GLORIA STEINEM BE DAMNED,

NEEDLESSLY HOSTILE.

TO

THE ICEBERG.

HE CONTINUES.

I HAVE MANY THINGS TO SAY IN RESPONSE TO HIS STATEMENT.

1ST

OF ALL, THE WHOLE POINT OF FEMINISM IS NOT TO STRANGLE

WOMEN AND TELL THEM YOU MUST BE A CAREER ORIENTED WOMAN OR ELSE

WE WILL COME AFTER YOU.

NO, IT IS TELLING WOMEN DO YOU, YOU

WANT TO BE A HOME MAKER, A STAY-AT-HOME MOM, ONE OF THE

MOST DIFFICULT THINGS THE WORLD TO DO, MORE POWER TO YOU.

BUT

LET'S HAVE EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY IN THE WORKPLACE FOR

WOMEN WHO DO WANT TO BE CAREER ORIENTED AND SO LOOK, I CAN'T

STAND PEOPLE WHO LOOK DOWN ON HER CRITICIZE WOMEN WHO CHOOSE

TO BE HOMEMAKERS.

I THINK THAT IS THEIR CHOICE AND IF THEY ARE

HAPPY DOING IT, ALL THE POWER TO YOU.

I EQUALLY DESPISE PEOPLE WHO CRITICIZE PEOPLE WHO CHOOSE

TO BE CAREER-ORIENTED WOMEN.

WHAT IS WRONG WITH THAT?

HE CONTINUES TO ATTACK THEM.

LET'S BE FAIR HERE.

OF COURSE YOU WOULD THINK THAT

BECAUSE YOUR HEAD IS FILLED WITH SNAKES.

I'VE NEVER HEARD THAT BEFORE, I AM GOING TO USE IT FROM NOW ON.

HE

CONTINUES, THERE'S MORE.

HE TALKS ABOUT HIS DAUGHTERS THAT

HE DOES NOT HAVE YET, HE IS JUST ASSUMING HE WILL HAVE THEM ONE

DAY.

BY

THE WAY, WE DIDN'T MISTAKINGLY WRITE THE GRAPHICS

THIS WAY.

THIS WAS COPIED AND PASTED FROM HIS WEBSITE.

THIS IS HOW HE WROTE IT.

HE ALSO CONTINUES TO SAY:

THIS GUYS COLORFUL.

HIS BLUE SKILL STEEL IS NOT THE ONLY

THING THAT IS COLORFUL.

WHEN THEY ASK ME ABOUT IT,

HE HAS A FIANC…

WHO IS MAKING HIM BELIEVE IN WOMEN'S RIGHTS.

I LOVE THAT TOO, HE REMINDED ME OF THE CLAN GUY GETTING

INTERVIEWED ONCE HE SAYS THESE IN WORDS ARE INFERIOR AND THE

REPORTER ASKED THEM, YOU ARE RACIST AND HE SAYS NO, I AM NOT

RACIST.

I'M PRETTY SURE YOU ARE AND HE IS LIKE OH, THAT SHE

DEVIL BANSHEES WITH THEIR SNAKES FILLED HEADS.

SO YOU ARE

AGAINST WOMEN'S RIGHTS QUESTO KNOW, I AM FOR THEM.

I AM FOR

THEM AS LONG AS THEY STAY AT HOME AND DO EXACTLY AS I TELL

THEM AND HAVE DINNER READY BY 6.

FEMINISTS AREN'T AGAINST

CHOICE, YOU ARE.

FEMINISTS SAY GET DINNER READY IF YOU WANT TO

DO, DO IT FOR YOURSELF, DO FOR YOUR HUSBAND IF YOU WANT TO, GO

WORK IF YOU WANT TO DO IT IS TO EMPOWER WOMEN TO DO WHATEVER

THEY WANT.

THIS GUY SAYS, NO.

I AM GOING TO TEACH MY DAUGHTERS

NOT TO SHOUT FROM THOUSAND 12

PUT BUILDINGS OR WHATEVER, BANSHEES AND I'M GOING TO

MAKE THEM HAVE DINNER FOR THEIR HUSBANDS.

BY THE WAY, THERE IS NO WAY THAT IS GOING TO HAPPEN.

AND ALSO, THERE IS THIS MISCONCEPTION THAT ALL

FEMINISTS, THEY ARE ALL THE SAME, THEY ARE ALL RADICAL, THEY

HATE MEN.

I CAN ASSURE YOU I DO NOT HATE MEN.

I LIKE MEN A LOT.

I LIKE MY MAN A LOT AND LOOK, THERE ARE SOME COMPONENTS OF OUR

RELATIONSHIP BETTER EXTREMELY MODERN AND SOME THAT ARE REALLY

TRADITIONAL.

I GET TURNED ON WHEN HE DOES ANYTHING TO RUN THE

HOUSE.

I DON'T THINK THIS TAKES MY FEMINIST CREDIT AWAY.

I LIKE

FEELING PROTECTED AND SMALL THAT WHAT I MEAN BY SMALL IS

PHYSICALLY SMALL AND PROTECTED.

THAT IS TOTALLY FINE.

FEMINISM

AGAIN FOR THE BILLIONTH TIME IS NOT ABOUT TELLING PEOPLE WHAT TO

DO JUDGING PEOPLE BASED ON THAT THEY LIVE THEIR LIVES IN THE

TRADITIONAL MANNER.

AGAIN, DO YOU, BOO.

IT IS JUST INTERESTING HOW HOSTILE YOU AND HOW ANGRY

HE IS.,

DOWN A LITTLE BIT.

THE DUDE HAS ISSUES.

AND LOOK, IT IS OBVIOUS THAT HE IS

PROJECTING HIS ISSUES WITH WOMEN ON TO ALL WOMEN ANSWER FEMINISTS

SO HE THINKS I WANT WOMEN TO DO THIS AND ONLY THIS SO FEMINISTS

MUST ALSO WANT THEM TO DO THIS AND ONLY THIS, RIGHT QUESTO IT

IS CONSERVATIVE 101.

I WANT TO HAVE HUGE GOVERNMENT THAT

CONTROLS YOUR LIFE AND I WANT TO TELL YOU WHO YOU CAN SLEEP WITH,

WHEN YOU SHOULD HAVE DINNER READY, WHAT TO DO WITH YOUR

BODIES AND THEN WHAT DO THEY SAY ABOUT LIBERALS QUESTO THEY WANT

BIG GOVERNMENT THAT CONTROLS YOUR LIFE.

For more infomation >> This Candidate REALLY Hates Feminists - Duration: 7:50.

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DIY Orange Peel Powder Homemade | Pure & Free Orange Peel Powder Easy & Simple Recipe By Rani G - Duration: 5:12.

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The Anti-Federalist Papers | Brutus 3 - Duration: 15:10.

To the Citizens of the State of New-York.

In the investigation of the constitution, under your consideration, great care should

be taken, that you do not form your opinions respecting it, from unimportant provisions,

or fallacious appearances.

On a careful examination, you will find, that many of its parts, of little moment, are well

formed; in these it has a specious resemblance of a free government—but this is not sufficient

to justify the adoption of it— the gilded pill, is often found to contain the most deadly

poison.

You are not however to expect, a perfect form of government, any more than to meet with

perfection in man: your views therefore, ought to be directed to the main pillars upon which

a free government is to rest; if these are well placed, on a foundation that will support

the superstructure, you should be satisfied, although the building may want a number of

ornaments, which, if your particular tastes were gratified, you would have added to it:

on the other hand. if the foundation is insecurely laid. and the main supports are wanting, or

not properly fixed, however the fabric may be decorated and adorned, you ought to reject

it.

Under these impressions, it has been my object to turn your attention to the principal defects

in this system.

I have attempted to shew, that a consolidation of this extensive continent, under one government,

for internal, as well as external purposes, which is evidently the tendency of this constitution,

cannot succeed, without a sacrifice of your liberties; and therefore that the attempt

is not only preposterous, but extremely dangerous; and I have shewn, independent of this, that

the plan is radically defective in a fundamental principle, which ought to be found in every

free government; to wit, a declaration of rights.

I shall now proceed to take a nearer view of this system, to examine its parts more

minutely, and shew that the powers are not properly deposited, for the security of public

liberty.

The first important object that presents itself in the organization of this government, is

the legislature. This is to be composed of two branches; the first to be called the general

assembly, and is to be chosen by the people of the respective states, in proportion to

the number of their inhabitants, and is to consist of sixty five members, with powers

in the legislature to encrease the number, not to exceed one for every thirty thousand

inhabitants. The second branch is to be called the senate, and is to consist of twenty-six

members, two of which are to be chosen by the legislatures of each of the states.

In the former of these there is an appearance of justice, in the appointment of its members—but

if the clause, which provides for this branch, be stripped of its ambiguity, it will be found

that there is really no equality of representation, even in this house.

The words are "representatives and direct taxes, shall be apportioned among the several

states, which may be included in this union, according to their respective numbers, which

shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound

to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other

persons."— What a strange and unnecessary accumulation of words are here used to conceal

from the public eye. what might have been expressed in the following concise manner.

Representatives are to be proportioned among the states respectively, according to the

number of freemen and slaves inhabiting them, counting five slaves for three free men.

"In a free state." says the celebrated Montesquieu, "every man. who is supposed

to be a free agent, ought to be concerned in his own government. therefore the legislature

should reside in the whole body of the people, or their representatives." But it has never

been alledged that those who are not free agents, can, upon any rational principle,

have any thing to do in government, either by themselves or others. If they have no share

in government. why is the number of members in the assembly, to be increased on their

account? Is it because in some of the states, a considerable part of the property of the

inhabitants consists in a number of their fellow men, who are held in bondage, in defiance

of every idea of benevolence, justice, and religion, and contrary to all the principles

of liberty, which have been publickly avowed in the late glorious revolution? If this be

a just ground for representation, the horses in some of the states, and the oxen in others,

ought to be represented—for a great share of property in some of them. consists in these

animals; and they have as much controul over their owna ctions, as these poor unhappy creatures,

who are intended to be described in the above recited clause, by the words, "all other

persons." By this mode of apportionment, the representatives of the different parts

of the union, will be extremely unequal: in some of the southern states, the slaves are

nearly equal in number to the free men; and for all these slaves, they will be entitled

to a proportionate share in the legislature—this will give them an unreasonable weight in the

government, which can derive no additional strength, protection, nor defence from the

slaves, but the contrary. Why then should they be represented? What adds to the evil

is, that these states are to be permitted to continue the inhuman traffic of importing

slaves, until the year 1808—and for every cargo of these unhappy people, which unfeeling.

unprincipled, barbarous, and avaricious wretches, may tear from their country, friends and tender

connections, and bring into those states, they are to be rewarded by having an increase

of members in the general assembly.

There appears at the first view a manifest inconsistency, in the apportionment of representatives

in the senate, upon the plan of a consolidated government. On every principle of equity,

and propriety, representation in a government should be in exact proportion to the numbers,

or the aids afforded by the persons represented. How unreasonable, and unjust then is it, that

Delaware should have a representation in the senate, equal to Massachusetts, or Virginia?

The latter of which contains ten times her numbers, and is to contribute to the aid of

the general government in that proportion? This article of the constitution will appear

the more objectionable, if it is considered, that the powers vested in this branch of the

legislature are very extensive, and greatly surpass those lodged in the assembly, not

only for general purposes, but, in many instances, for the internal police of the states. The

other branch of the legislature, in which, if in either, a f[a]int spark of democracy

is to be found, should have been properly organized and established—but upon examination

you will find, that this branch does not possess the qualities of a just representation, and

that there is no kind of security, imperfect as it is, for its remaining in the hands of

the people.

It has been observed, that the happiness of society is the end of government— that every

free government is founded in compact: and that, because it is impracticable for the

whole community to assemble, or when assembled, to deliberate with wisdom, and decide with

dispatch, the mode of legislating by representation was devised.

The very term, representative, implies, that the person or body chosen for this purpose,

should resemble those who appoint them—a representation of the people of America, if

it be a true one, must be like the people. It ought to be so constituted, that a person,

who is a stranger to the country, might be able to form a just idea of their character,

by knowing that of their representatives. They are the sign—the people are the thing

signified. It is absurd to speak of one thing being the representative of another, upon

any other principle. The ground and reason of representation, in a free government, implies

the same thing. Society instituted government to promote the happiness of the whole, and

this is the great end always in view in the delegation of powers. It must then have been

intended, that those who are placed instead of the people, should possess their sentiments

and feelings, and be governed by their interests, or, in other words, should bear the strongest

resemblance of those in whose room they are substituted. It is obvious, that for an assembly

to be a true likeness of the people of any country, they must be considerably numerous.—One

man. or a few men, cannot possibly represent the feelings, opinions, and characters of

a great multitude. In this respect, the new constitution is radically defective.—The

house of assembly, which is intended as a representation of the people of America, will

not, nor cannot, in the nature of things, be a proper one—sixty-five men cannot be

found in the United States, who hold the sentiments, possess the feelings, or are acqainted with

the wants and interests of this vast country. This extensive continent is made up of a number

of different classes of people; and to have a proper representation of them, each class

ought to have an opportunity of choosing their best informed men for the purpose; but this

cannot possibly be the case in so small a number. The state of New-York, on the present

apportionment, will send six members to the assembly: I will venture to affirm, that number

cannot be found in the state, who will bear a just resemblance to the several classes

of people who compose it. In this assembly, the farmer, merchant, mecanick. and other

various orders of people, ought to be represented according to their respective weight and numbers;

and the representatives ought to be intimately acquainted with the wants, understand the

interests of the several orders in the society, and feel a proper sense and becoming zeal

to promote their prosperity. I cannot conceive that any six men in this state can be found

properly qualified in these respects to discharge such important duties: but supposing it possible

to find them, is there the least degree of probability that the choice of the people

will fall upon such men? According to the common course of human affairs, the natural

aristocracy of the country will be elected. Wealth always creates influence, and this

is generally much increased by large family connections: this class in society will for

ever have a great number of dependents; besides, they will always favour each other—it is

their interest to combine—they will therefore constantly unite their efforts to procure

men of their own rank to be elected—they will concenter all their force in every part

of the state into one point, and by acting together, will most generally carry their

election. It is probable, that but few of the merchants, and those the most opulent

and ambitious, will have a representation from their body—few of them are characters

sufficiently conspicuous to attract the notice of the electors of the state in so limited

a representation. The great body of the yeomen of the country cannot expect any of their

order in this assembly— the station will be too elevated for them to aspire to—the

distance between the people and their representatives, will be so very great, that there is no probability

that a farmer, however respectable, will be chosen—the mechanicks of every branch, must

expect to be excluded from a seat in this Body— It will and must be esteemed a station

too high and exalted to be filled by any but the first men in the state, in point of fortune;

so that in reality there will be no part of the people represented, but the rich, even

in that branch of the legislature, which is called the democratic.—The well born, and

highest orders in life, as they term themselves, will be ignorant of the sentiments of the

midling class of citizens, strangers to their ability, wants, and difficulties, and void

of sympathy, and fellow feeling. This branch of the legislature will not only be an imperfect

representation, but there will be no security in so small a body, against bribery, and corruption—It

will consist at first, of sixty-five, and can never exceed one for every thirty thousand

inhabitants; a majority of these, that is, thirty-three, are a quorum, and a majority

of which, or seventeen, may pass any law—so that twenty-five men, will have the power

to give away all the property of the citizens of these states—what security therefore

can there be for the people, where their liberties and property are at the disposal of so few

men? It will literally be a government in the hands of the few to oppress and plunder

the many. You may conclude with a great degree of certainty, that it, like all others of

a similar nature, will be managed by influence and corruption, and that the period is not

far distant, when this will be the case, if it should be adopted; for even now there are

some among us, whose characters stand high in the public estimation, and who have had

a principal agency in framing this constitution, who do not scruple to say, that this is the

only practicable mode of governing a people, who think with that degree of freedom which

the Americans do—this government will have in their gift a vast number of offices of

great honor and emolument. The members of the legislature are not excluded from appointments;

and twenty-five of them, as the case may be, being secured, any measure may be carried.

The rulers of this country must be composed of very different materials from those of

any other, of which history gives us any account, if the majority of the legislature are not,

before many years, entirely at the devotion of the executive – and these states will

soon be under the absolute domination of one, or a few, with the fallacious appearance of

being governed by men of their own election.

The more I reflect on this subject, the more firmly am I persuaded, that the representation

is merely nominal—a mere burlesque; and that no security is provided against corruption

and undue influence. No free people on earth, who have elected persons to legislate for

them, ever reposed that confidence in so small a number. The British house of commons consists

of five hundred and fifty-eight members; the number of inhabitants in Great-Britain, is

computed at eight millions—this gives one member for a little more than fourteen thousand,

which exceeds double the proportion this country can ever have: and yet we require a larger

representation in proportion to our numbers, than Great-Britain, because this country is

much more extensive, and differs more in its productions, interests, manners, and habits.

The democratic branch of the legislatures of the several states in the union consists,

I believe at present, of near two thousand; and this number was not thought too large

for the security of liberty by the framers of our state constitutions: some of the states

may have erred in this respect, but the difference between two thousand, and sixty-five, is so

very great, that it will bear no comparison.

Other objections offer themselves against this part of the constitution— I shall reserve

them for a future paper, when I shall shew, defective as this representation is, no security

is provided, that even this shadow of the right, will remain with

the people.

For more infomation >> The Anti-Federalist Papers | Brutus 3 - Duration: 15:10.

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RED BALL RED BALL 4 against ZOMBIE children game ABOUT OBNOXIOUS RED BALL on the BUTTON - Duration: 7:33.

For more infomation >> RED BALL RED BALL 4 against ZOMBIE children game ABOUT OBNOXIOUS RED BALL on the BUTTON - Duration: 7:33.

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5 Choses À Faire À Bangkok - Duration: 11:32.

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how to create youtube channel & earn money full tutorial in bangla (hyper tech bangla) - Duration: 8:33.

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王識賢 2002《桂花巷》聽聞有人去提親 江海急尋剔紅並告知自己的心意 - Duration: 3:58.

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Mission Blood and Rust - Titanfall 2 Gameplay on Ps4 - Duration: 19:40.

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