Pachi Pulusu
Pachi Pulusu
Pachi Pulusu
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100 WPM COURT JUDGEMENT HINDI SHORTHAND DICATATION TIME: 5 MINUTES - Duration: 6:15.
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Góc Parody #4 - Khi Bạn "Ăn Kem Trước Cổng" Và Cái Kết - Duration: 0:51.Thanks for watching !!!
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[EXID(이엑스아이디)] 2017년 연말 가요대제전 스케치 - Duration: 13:53.Whoz that girl? EXID!
Hello, this is LE!
Hello, this is JEONG HWA!
Hello, this is HANI!
Hello
We are here to attend the Music Festival on the New Years Eve
It's been 3 years. So we are happy about the countdown!
I'm not. I got older. Sad. Very sad.
The concept of the Music Festival is <the fan>
So we collaborated with our fans
Many good looking boys and girls joined us
We want to say thank you for your passion and effort
They are talented
Are they born to be that way? They were not even nervous. I'm really looking forward to the real stage.
It will be the nice memory for them and unforgettable memory for us EXID also
I want to keep this moment forever
I'm proud of them
Hello Guys!
We are here to perform to say goodbye of this year
We always end up here
I feel sad whenever I come here because of the thought getting older
Especially for LE. She's turning 28
Then let's interview LE
What about my age
What about my age, it is perfect for dancing.
You are turning 29 after three hours
I was panic because you said 29
It wouldn't be that sad
You're not helping
You are not 29 yet
HYE LIN!
How about being 26?
Great!
You're so right
It seems like a documentary with the angle of the camera
Put the subtitles on
HYE LIN turned 26
It has been about 10 years since she dreamed about it
HYE LIN loves herself turning 26 years old
She's so worried that she won't get married because of her narcissism
JEONG HWA, your mom is calling
Hello, ma'am!
Oh, it's LE
How did you know?
You have unique voice
This phone call is on the TV
Oh really?
Happy New Year ma'am!
It was a great 2017
Happy New Year ma'am!
I'll tell JEONG HWA to call you back after the show.
Thank you for talking to my mom
We have to get ready in 10 minutes!
We will wrap this up with comments
Everyone did good job on 2017
We will try to be happy..
We will try to be happy with you
on 2018 also
Love you all
The last stage of 2017
I don't know honestly
Dance more when you're a minute younger
The end!
They were satisfied with their costumes
I could feel it
It feels nice to end it.
I don't think I did good enough compare to how I practiced
bye bye
Good job, everyone!
You were on fire!
It was a very good opportunity to have amazing memories with them
I'm very happy and proud of it
It was so nice to be on stage with EXID and I want to do it again
It was a great performance.
Happy New Years!
This was EXID!
EXID! LEGGO!
Whoz that girl? EXID!
Hello, this is EXID!
It's 2018!
No ones happy?
I'll try again.
What are you doing?
Wake up!
Tell me when it's over
Say something when I start
This is us!!
I did not think 2018 would come
I knew it
She knew it would come
Go outside
It's was third year we celebrate the New Years at the same place
Is there something you want to say?
LE said
There are pictures we took it while counting down
There are three of them already.
That means we've got older
Trace of the time
I thought you're being silly
I'm out
Let's do our best for the another year
Thank you for being with EXID during 2017
We hope for the best for our 5 members and LEGGO
Be with EXID on 2018 also
Give me some New Year's greeting money
Do not expect team work from us
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The Anti-Federalist Papers | Federal Farmer V - Duration: 24:47.Dear Sir, Thus I have examined the federal constitution as far as a few days leisure
would permit.
It opens to my mind a new scene; instead of seeing powers cautiously lodged in the hands
of numerous legislators, and many magistrates, we see all important powers collecting in
one centre, where a few men will possess them almost at discretion.
And instead of checks in the formation of the government, to secure the rights of the
people against the usurpations of those they appoint to govern, we are to understand the
equal division of lands among our people, and the strong arm furnished them by nature
and situation, are to secure them against those usurpations.
If there are advantages in the equal division of our lands, and the strong and manly habits
of our people, we ought to establish governments calculated to give duration to them, and not
governments which never can work naturally, till that equality of property, and those
free and manly habits shall be destroyed; these evidently are not the natural basis
of the proposed constitution.–No man of reflection, and skilled in the science of
government, can suppose these will move on harmoniously together for ages, or even for
fifty years.
As to the little circumstances commented upon, by some writers, with applause–as the age
of a representative, of the president, &c.–they have, in my mind, no weight in the general
tendency of the system.
There are, however, in my opinion, many good things in the proposed system.
It is founded on elective principles, and the deposits of powers in different hands,
is essentially right.–The guards against those evils we have experienced in some states
in legislation are valuable indeed: but the value of every feature in this system is vastly
lessened for the want of that one important feature in a free government, a representation
of the people.
Because we have sometimes abused democracy, I am not among those men who think a democratic
branch a nuisance; which branch shall be sufficiently numerous, to admit some of the best informed
men of each order in the community into the administration of government.
While the radical defects in the proposed system are not so soon discovered, some temptations
to each state, and to many classes of men to adopt it, are very visible.
It uses the democratic language of several of the state constitutions, particularly that
of Massachusetts; the eastern states will receive advantages so far as the regulation
of trade, by a bare majority, is committed to it: Connecticut and New-Jersey will receive
their share of a general impost:–The middle states will receive the advantages surrounding
the seat of government:–The southern states will receive protection, and have their negroes
represented in the legislature, and large back countries will soon have a majority in
it.–This system promises a large field of employment to military gentlemen, and gentlemen
of the law; and in case the government shall be executed without convulsions, it will afford
security to creditors, to the clergy, salary-men and others depending on money payments.
So far as the system promises justice and reasonable advantages, in these respects,
it ought to be supported by all honest men: but whenever it promises unequal and improper
advantages to any particular states, or orders of men, it ought to be opposed.
I have, in the course of these letters observed, that there are many good things in the proposed
constitution, and I have endeavoured to point out many important defects in it.
I have admitted that we want a federal system–that we have a system presented, which, with several
alterations may be made a tolerable good one–I have admitted there is a well founded uneasiness
among creditors and mercantile men.
In this situation of things, you ask me what I think ought to be done?
My opinion in this case is only the opinion of an individual, and so far only as it corresponds
with the opinions of the honest and substantial part of the community, is it entitled to consideration.
Though I am fully satisfied that the state conventions ought most seriously to direct
their exertions to altering and amending the system proposed before they shall adopt it–yet
I have not sufficiently examined the subject, or formed an opinion, how far it will be practicable
for those conventions to carry their amendments.
As to the idea, that it will be in vain for those conventions to attempt amendments, it
cannot be admitted; it is impossible to say whether they can or not until the attempt
shall be made: and when it shall be determined, by experience, that the conventions cannot
agree in amendments, it will then be an important question before the people of the United States,
whether they will adopt or not the system proposed in its present form.
This subject of consolidating the states is new; and because forty or fifty men have agreed
in a system, to suppose the good sense of this country, an enlightened nation, must
adopt it without examination, and though in a state of profound peace, without endeavouring
to amend those parts they perceive are defective, dangerous to freedom, and destructive of the
valuable principles of republican government–is truly humiliating.
It is true there may be danger in delay; but there is danger in adopting the system in
its present form; and I see the danger in either case will arise principally from the
conduct and views of two very unprincipled parties in the United States–two fires,
between which the honest and substantial people have long found themselves situated.
One party is composed of little insurgents, men in debt, who want no law, and who want
a share of the property of others; these are called levellers, Shayites, &c.
The other party is composed of a few, but more dangerous men, with their servile dependents;
these avariciously grasp at all power and property; you may discover in all the actions
of these men, an evident dislike to free and equal government, and they will go systematically
to work to change, essentially, the forms of government in this country; these are called
aristocrats, Morrisites, &c. &c.
Between these two parties is the weight of the community; the men of middling property,
men not in debt on the one hand, and men, on the other, content with republican governments,
and not aiming at immense fortunes, offices, and power.
In 1786, the little insurgents, the levellers, came forth, invaded the rights of others,
and attempted to establish governments according to their wills.
Their movements evidently gave encouragement to the other party, which, in 1787, has taken
the political field, and with its fashionable dependants, and the tongue and the pen, is
endeavouring to establish in great haste, a politer kind of government.
These two parties, which will probably be opposed or united as it may suit their interests
and views, are really insignificant, compared with the solid, free, and independent part
of the community.
It is not my intention to suggest, that either of these parties, and the real friends of
the proposed constitution, are the same men.
The fact is, these aristocrats support and hasten the adoption of the proposed constitution,
merely because they think it is a stepping stone to their favorite object.
I think I am well founded in this idea; I think the general politics of these men support
it, as well as the common observation among them, That the proffered plan is the best
that can be got at present, it will do for a few years, and lead to something better.
The sensible and judicious part of the community will carefully weigh all these circumstances;
they will view the late convention as a respectable assembly of men–America probably never will
see an assembly of men of a like number, more respectable.
But the members of the convention met without knowing the sentiments of one man in ten thousand
in these states respecting the new ground taken.
Their doings are but the first attempts in the most important scene ever opened.
Though each individual in the state conventions will not, probably, be so respectable as each
individual in the federal convention, yet as the state conventions will probably consist
of fifteen hundred or two thousand men of abilities, and versed in the science of government,
collected from all parts of the community and from all orders of men, it must be acknowledged
that the weight of respectability will be in them–In them will be collected the solid
sense and the real political character of the country.
Being revisers of the subject, they will possess peculiar advantages.
To say that these conventions ought not to attempt, coolly and deliberately, the revision
of the system, or that they cannot amend it, is very foolish or very assuming.
If these conventions, after examining the system, adopt it, I shall be perfectly satisfied,
and wish to see men make the administration of the government an equal blessing to all
orders of men.
I believe the great body of our people to be virtuous and friendly to good government,
to the protection of liberty and property; and it is the duty of all good men, especially
of those who are placed as centinels to guard their rights–it is their duty to examine
into the prevailing politics of parties, and to disclose them–while they avoid exciting
undue suspicions, to lay facts before the people, which will enable them to form a proper
judgment.
Men, who wish the people of this country to determine for themselves, and deliberately
to fit the government to their situation, must feel some degree of indignation at those
attempts to hurry the adoption of a system, and to shut the door against examination.
The very attempts create suspicions, that those who make them have secret views, or
see some defects in the system, which, in the hurry of affairs, they expect will escape
the eye of a free people.
What can be the views of those gentlemen in Pennsylvania, who precipitated decisions on
this subject?
What can be the views of those gentlemen in Boston, who countenanced the Printers in shutting
up the press against a fair and free investigation of this important system in the usual way.
The members of the convention have done their duty–why should some of them fly to their
states–almost forget a propriety of behaviour, and precipitate measures for the adoption
of a system of their own making?
I confess candidly, when I consider these circumstances in connection with the unguarded
parts of the system I have mentioned, I feel disposed to proceed with very great caution,
and to pay more attention than usual to the conduct of particular characters.
If the constitution presented be a good one, it will stand the test with a well informed
people: all are agreed there shall be state conventions to examine it; and we must believe
it will be adopted, unless we suppose it is a bad one, or that those conventions will
make false divisions respecting it.
I admit improper measures are taken against the adoption of the system as well as for
it–all who object to the plan proposed ought to point out the defects objected to, and
to propose those amendments with which they can accept it, or to propose some other system
of government, that the public mind may be known, and that we may be brought to agree
in some system of government, to strengthen and execute the present, or to provide a substitute.
I consider the field of enquiry just opened, and that we are to look to the state conventions
for ultimate decisions on the subject before us; it is not to be presumed, that they will
differ about small amendments, and lose a system when they shall have made it substantially
good; but touching the essential amendments, it is to be presumed the several conventions
will pursue the most rational measures to agree in and obtain them; and such defects
as they shall discover and not remove, they will probably notice, keep them in view as
the ground work of future amendments, and in the firm and manly language which every
free people ought to use, will suggest to those who may hereafter administer the government,
that it is their expectation, that the system will be so organized by legislative acts,
and the government so administered, as to render those defects as little injurious as
possible.–Our countrymen are entitled to an honest and faithful government; to a government
of laws and not of men; and also to one of their chusing–as a citizen of the country,
I wish to see these objects secured, and licentious, assuming, and overbearing men restrained;
if the constitution or social compact be vague and unguarded, then we depend wholly upon
the prudence, wisdom and moderation of those who manage the affairs of government; or on
what, probably, is equally uncertain and precarious, the success of the people oppressed by the
abuse of government, in receiving it from the hands of those who abuse it, and placing
it in the hands of those who will use it well.
In every point of view, therefore, in which I have been able, as yet, to contemplate this
subject, I can discern but one rational mode of proceeding relative to it: and that is
to examine it with freedom and candour, to have state conventions some months hence,
which shall examine coolly every article, clause, and word in the system proposed, and
to adopt it with such amendments as they shall think fit.
How far the state conventions ought to pursue the mode prescribed by the federal convention
of adopting or rejecting the plan in toto, I leave it to them to determine.
Our examination of the subject hitherto has been rather of a general nature.
The republican characters in the several states, who wish to make this plan more adequate to
security of liberty and property, and to the duration of the principles of a free government,
will, no doubt, collect their opinions to certain points, and accurately define those
alterations and amendments they wish; if it shall be found they essentially disagree in
them, the conventions will then be able to determine whether to adopt the plan as it
is, or what will be proper to be done.
Under these impressions, and keeping in view the improper and unadvisable lodgment of powers
in the general government, organized as it at present is, touching internal taxes, armies
and militia, the elections of its own members, causes between citizens of different states,
&c. and the want of a more perfect bill of rights, &c.–I drop the subject for the present,
and when I shall have leisure to revise and correct my ideas respecting it, and to collect
into points the opinions of those who wish to make the system more secure and safe, perhaps
I may proceed to point out particularly for your consideration, the amendment which ought
to be ingrafted into this system, and only in conformity to my own, but the deliberate
opinions of others–you will with me perceive, that the objections to the plan proposed may,
by a more leisure examination be set in a stronger point of view, especially the important
one, that there is no substantial representation of the people provided for in a government,
in which the most essential powers, even as to the
internal police of the country, is proposed to
be lodged.
I think
the honest and substantial part of the community, will wish to see this system altered, permanency
and consistency given to the constitution we shall adopt; and therefore
they will be anxious to apportion the powers to the features and organization of the government,
and
to see abuse in the exercise of power more effectually guarded against.
It is suggested, that state officers, from interested motives will oppose the constitution
itself–I see no reason for this, their places in general will not be effected, but new openings
to offices and places of profit must evidently be made by the adoption of the constitution
in its
present form.
Your's &c.
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FAVORITE ENGLISH WORDS of JAPANESE GIRLS and BOYS? Foreigner in Japan asks Japanese about English - Duration: 7:13.It's vacuum.
That would be apple.
Pen Pineapple Apple Pen!
Singularity.
That's a difficult one. Why singularity?
Hey guys on Ask Japanese this is Cathy cat!
Today we are in Harajuku and
we are asking the people of Japan what their favorite English word is.
Let's go and Ask Japanese.
What's your favorite word?
Mine is Vacuum!
That's funny. Why that one?
It has two U in a row. So when I write it, it makes me happy.
It's a bit rare. - Yes.
Vacuum. Waccum. VACUUM.
When did you learn that word?
In middle school and I was like "Oh wow two U!"
That's interesting! - Yes.
Mine is passion.
Nice one. Why passion?
My middle school teacher was very passionate.
He always said "passion passion" so I started liking it.
So that was the passion teacher? - Yes.
When you hear passion you first think of...?
The face of my teacher.
Male or female? - Female.
Foreigner or Japanese? - A Japanese lady.
She was my very strict English teacher.
I wish I could have met that teacher. She sounds like fun!
Is a verb ok too? I like exaggerate.
That's a difficult word. Why exaggerate?
In high school when I was dramatizing things a little too much
my teacher would say "Don't exaggerate please" all the time.
They really liked that word, so I remembered it now.
- Exaggerate. Can you spell that? - Not anymore.
But you remember the word? - I love it.
We are asking your favorite English word.
I like atmosphere.
It means taiki in Japanese.
I didn't know that.
Yes Atmosphere.
The first time I heard it, it had a nice ring to it.
It sounds interesting. I was inside VALUE.
What's VALUE.
Our old English vocabulary book.
Instead of your teacher teaching that word, you learned it from the book?
That's right.
Mine is exceed
My high school club senpai gave me that as nickname.
Senpai used the C from exceed to call me C.
That's why I like it.
At my club, they all called me that.
That's nice. It's your own cheer cry there. - Yes!
I am the C in EXCEED! - Sure.
My favourite word is HUNGRY.
Now that one I use a lot. Cute choice there.
That's how I feel right now.
Looks like she is hungry now.
What's ya English word you like?
Mine is scarecrow.
When do you use that? - I don't but it sounds cool and memorable.
What is that in Japanese? - Kakashi.
Do you use the English word sometimes in Japanese?
No no I don't think we use it at all.
I don't think many people know it.
It's a word you don't need for surviving really.
But the sound is good? - It's so cool.
The word I remember the most would have to be apple.
Pen Pineapple Apple Pen.
Influenced by PPAP.
Pikotaro has left a lasting impression on me.
Scarecrow and apple. We are getting a whole farm together...
True!
Most favourite English word?
I don't know. Singularity?
Wow a difficult one. Singularity, why?
I want the technology to develop quicker.
When did you learn that word?
We are learning about artificial intelligence at university.
Do you use it a lot? - I do.
I work with artificial intelligences as well, so I use that word a lot.
What kind of topics do you discuss there?
When we talk about how A I will develop over the years...
we start wondering when they will surpass us humans.
I have no clue what she is talking about!
Mine is similar, it's technology.
Why that one?
I go to a science university.
Many technologies have not been properly developed.
There are many girls who can't follow the technological development
I wish more girls could penetrate the science sector.
You want more girls to come into the technology sector? - I do.
What job area shall they go to?
Work? There should be more female engineers.
I can't become an engineer but I admire them.
I want more female engineers.
More girls would be fun.
If girls are rare, what's the percentage?
Only about 10% of girls go to universities to become engineers.
That's really few!
And your science university?
Same, only 10% of female engineers.
Girls let's try hard!
Thank you so much!
We asked Japanese their favorite English word and I was actually super surprised
some really difficult words were in there like Singularity
and similar so that was interesting.
What is your favorite English word? Mine is...
antidisestablishmentarianism
Because it's one of the longest words in the English language and I am glad
I managed to remember it, because I am not from an English speaking country
as I am from Germany. So that's one.
The longest German word is so long that I can't even remember it right now.
How about you? What is your favourite word in the English language?
Even if you come from an English country I would like to hear your favourite word
so please leave us comments down below. Looking forward to reading your comments
Guess what behind the camera, the director is doing sports right now.
Anyways. Catch you here soon on Ask Japanese! Bye!
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Forget - Skartz (Inspired By Alan Walker) | Nhạc Điện Tử Gây Nghiện - Gaming Music - Duration: 3:50.Thanks for watching !!!
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